Mr. Speaker, Canadians recognize that it is the fundamental responsibility of the Government of Canada to protect Canada and Canadians in an increasingly complex and uncertain environment. This past decade has seen significant and interconnected changes to the international security landscape. Exploring ways to strengthen defence and security arrangements with the United States, including an enhanced role for Norad, is in Canada's national interest.
In response to the events of September 11, 2001, and recognizing the potential cross-border impact of emerging security threats, Canada and the United States have pursued a range of measures to enhance continental security cooperation both at home and abroad.
As part of its response, the United States established the U.S. Northern Command, mandated to protect American sovereignty, territory, domestic population, and critical defence infrastructure against external threats and aggression.
In Canada, the government developed a comprehensive security agenda by investing billions of dollars in domestic security arrangements and creating Canada Command, which is responsible for Canada and its air and marine approaches as a single operational theatre.
Today, the threats to our safety and way of life in North America are inextricably linked to what is happening far beyond our shores. Canada and the United States enjoy one of the most extensive and longstanding defence relationships in the world. The tradition of bilateral cooperation in the defence of North America dates back to 1940 and is a natural complement to the extensive political, economic, cultural, and social ties that link our two countries.
I noted during the debate in respect of softwood lumber how our colleagues in the New Democratic Party are now vigorous defenders of the NAFTA and do not want to see any compromise that would in any way jeopardize that close economic relationship between the Americans and Canada. In that sense, our colleagues, the New Democrats, have progressed. They see the benefit of this economic relationship and in fact are one of the most vocal parties in this House, concerned that the free trade created by NAFTA would be in any way compromised.
They have come a long way in that respect, but now we also have to proceed and put this military agreement into its appropriate context and also demonstrate to our colleagues in the New Democratic Party the benefit that this creates for Canada.
It has been well understood, for more than 60 years, that the North American continent can only be defended cooperatively. We need to work together with our neighbours. We cannot simply say that we will protect the continent from air attack, but that protecting it from marine attack is somehow inconsistent with the principles on which Norad was established. I do not think that is inconsistent. It is perfectly consistent and as threats change, the agreement needs to change, and that is what this new amendment to Norad is doing.
Since 1958, Norad has been a key component of this bilateral defence relationship and a pillar of Canada's global security architecture. More than any defence organization, Norad embodies the binational teamwork that is needed to counter today's transnational threats. I note my colleague's comments in respect to who was in fact directing Norad at the time of the September attack in 2001.
Norad detects and warns of attacks against North America from aircraft missiles or space vehicles, and participates in the surveillance and control of American and Canadian airspace.
The benefits to Canada have been substantial. Norad has provided Canada with enhanced protection from direct military attack. Norad has reinforced Canadian sovereignty by providing influence over American decisions where Canadian interests are involved.
How could we simply allow the Americans to make decisions over Canada? That is what it means to pull out of Norad or in any way limit the influence of Norad. We would have Americans making decisions about Canadian airspace and Canadian waters because the Americans would do that unilaterally in the legitimate defence of their country.
We want to be at the table. We have, through Norad, influence over American decisions that affect our sovereignty. This reinforces our sovereignty.
Norad has ensured that Canada and the Americans are full partners in continental airspace defence. In short, Norad provides Canada with an extremely cost effective capability to exercise surveillance and control over Canadian airspace.
For Canada's investment of approximately $350 million, or roughly 10% of Norad's cost, we receive a degree of security we would never hope to achieve on our own. We should think of it. If we had to provide that security on our own, how would we pay for our social programs? How would we pay for our health programs? Our health and social programs are often financially available to Canadians because Americans are picking up a lion's share of the defence security for this country. To in any way bad mouth the goodwill of Americans in this context is simply unacceptable.
The events of September 11, 2001, underscored Norad's relevance in today's security environment. Norad has since made some important changes to adapt to the new threat environment by increasing operational readiness and its ability to respond to threats from both outside and inside North America's airspace.
Negotiations between Canada and the United States to renew the Norad agreement have highlighted the genuine interest on both sides to enhance the Canadian-American defence relationship in meaningful ways.
We now have a permanent Norad agreement. This change underscores the long term commitment of both Canada and the United States for the joint defence of North America. This, however, does not signify inflexibility, for contrary to the prior requirement of a fixed renewal period every five years, this agreement we are debating tonight calls for renewal every four years or at the request of either party. This will continue to force re-evaluation of the arrangement on a regular basis or when extraordinary events occur that could cause Norad to evolve to meet new challenges.
The new agreement also reflects the reality that threats to North America now come in all shapes and sizes, and from a variety of directions. Significantly, it recognizes that threats to North America do not simply come from the airspace domain. The agreement therefore expands Norad's mission to warn both governments about real and potential maritime threats to the continent. As a result, Canada and the United States now have a more complete picture of the approaches to the waterways of North America.
In conclusion, I began this speech by saying that Canada and the United States enjoy one of the most extensive and long standing defence relationships in the world. Norad has been an essential pillar in the defence of North America. The new agreement is flexible enough to evolve with changing global threats, including maritime threats. Norad has served the interests of Canadians and Canada and I would urge the support of the agreement by the House.