Mr. Speaker, the debate we are having this evening is a solemn one and an important one.
As CTV News reported just a few hours ago that Jeremie Ouellet, 22 years old, with the 1st Regiment, Royal Canadian Horse Artillery, based in Shilo, Manitoba, died in Afghanistan. He is now the 80th member of our military personnel to die in Afghanistan since 2002. I express the condolences of the entire House of Commons to his family.
This underlines very clearly the debate we are having here tonight.
Members of the Canadian Forces are incredibly dedicated and believe profoundly in our democracy. They will do what the House of Commons directs them to do, even at the cost of their lives. This debate about the future of our mission in Afghanistan is a profoundly important one. Canadian Forces personnel will follow the orders that are provided by our democratically elected government.
This is much more than a philosophical debate. The debate and the decision that is made by the House of Commons following it will have profound implications on the future of Afghanistan and on the future of our Canadian Forces.
The NDP has offered an amendment to the government's motion, which is supported by the Liberal Party. It calls upon the government:
—to begin preparations for the safe withdrawal of Canadian soldiers from the combat mission in Afghanistan with no further mission extensions;
that, in the opinion of the House, the government should engage in a robust diplomatic process to prepare the groundwork for a political solution...
The motion also states, among other things:
that, in the opinion of the House, the government should provide effective and transparent development assistance under civilian direction consistent with the Afghanistan Compact.
In the 20 minutes I have been granted in the House tonight, I intend to respond to three questions that I believe we should all be looking at as members of the House of Commons. First, is the mission in Afghanistan working? Second, if it is not working, why is it not working? Third, what should we be doing in Afghanistan?
I will start with the first question because it is of fundamental importance as we debate in the House tonight, and mourn the death of the 80th member of the Canadian Forces. We must evaluate how the mission has gone so far and whether the mission is working with the objectives that were set originally.
A graph was done by the Globe and Mail last weekend on the issue of the military mission in Afghanistan. It showed that back in 2003, there were five Canadian Forces casualties in Afghanistan and about 500 serious security incidents across the country. In 2005 the number of Canadian casualties had gone from 5 to 10 and the number of security incidents from 500 to nearly 2,000. In 2006 the total security incidents had risen to over 5,000 from 500 just 3 years before and the total number of Canadian casualties was 300. In 2007 the total number of security incidents went from 5,000 to nearly 7,000 and the Canadian casualties had grown to 412.
What is projected in 2008 is a substantial increase again in the number of security incidents. One can presume as well, given the rapid escalation from five Canadian casualties to ten, to three hundred to four hundred and twelve, that the number of Canadian Forces casualties, under our direction with a democratically elected government, will increase as well.
One has to ask if the mission is working when one sees the steady increase in the number of security incidents, but also the dramatic increase in the number of Canadian casualties.
Let us look at some of the other evaluations that have been done on the same issue. The United Nations had an assessment in the fall of 2007. It indicated that the rates of insurgent and terrorist violence are at least 20% higher than they were in 2006. Christian Aid in late 2006 indicated that famine and drought are driving people to the Taliban in Afghanistan. The British House of Commons defence committee warned in July 2007 that civilian casualties, war damage and U.S. poppy eradication are turning ordinary people toward the Taliban.
There are other evaluations. The drug trade is thriving, up 60% this year. More than one million Afghans are addicted to drugs, of which 60,000 are children. Violence against women is growing. Fifty per cent of women face domestic violence. Authorities rarely investigate complaints of violence against women.
There are other quotes evaluating whether this mission is working. Major General Andrew Leslie said in the summer of 2005, “Every time you kill an angry young man overseas, you're creating 15 more who will come after you”.
Leo Docherty, British aide-de-camp, in The Telegraph indicated that “Afghanistan is a textbook case of how to screw up a counter-insurgency”. He went on to say, “all we are doing is surviving. It's completely barking mad. It's a pretty clear equation if people are losing homes and poppy fields, they will go and fight. I know I would. We've been grotesquely clumsy”.
Colonel Michel Drapeau in July 2007 said, “I don't think Canada is winning the war”, and “This war is not winnable”.
The evidence from reports, from quotations from those who would know this situation best and from what is actually happening on the ground clearly indicate that the mission is not working. That is undeniable.
I have listened attentively to the Conservatives who have spoken this evening. They seem to indicate, though they cannot prove, aside from some anecdotal evidence, that the mission is working. Their intent is to say that essentially more of the same will produce different results.
It is foolhardy to think that more of the same somehow will lead to a different result than what we have seen over the last five years. What we have seen in the last five years is clearly an increase in security concerns, an increase in the types of conditions, whether it is famine or poverty, that lead to the insecurity that one finds in Afghanistan.
The next question I would like to ask is, why is it not working? If the mission is not working, if the preponderance of the evidence is that very clearly, aside from anecdotal evidence that the Conservatives will provide, but on the basis of fact that very clearly the mission is not working, why is it not working?
I would like to answer that in part by citing Malalai Joya, the youngest member elected to the Afghani parliament and what she said in the Independent newspaper on January 31, 2008 about the situation in Afghanistan. She should know this best being a member of the Afghani parliament, although I will come back to her treatment by the warlords in the parliament of Afghanistan. She said the following:
After six years in control, this government has proved itself to be as bad as the Taliban — in fact, it is little more than a photocopy of the Taliban. The situation in Afghanistan is getting progressively worse — and not just for women, but for all Afghans.
She went on to say:
The government was not democratically elected, and it is now trying to use the country's Islamic law as a tool with which to limit women's rights.
In 2007 more women killed themselves in Afghanistan than ever before--
I will repeat that:
In 2007 more women killed themselves in Afghanistan than ever before--that shows that the situation hasn't got any better. The murder of women in Afghanistan is like the killing of birds, because this government is anti-women. Women are vulnerable--recently a 22-year-old woman was raped in front of her children by 15 local commanders of a fundamentalist party, closely connected to the government.
I utterly condemn this undemocratic act of those in power against Sayed Pervez Kambaksh. This situation has exposed the corruption of the government, which is inherently undemocratic, which does not believe in women's rights and which is willing to go to extreme lengths to prevent freedom of speech. Mr. Kambaksh has not broken any law, but he is a “real” journalist, one who is not afraid to write articles exposing the corruption of the fundamentalists in power. This has been a bloody year for journalists in Afghanistan, and they are now in a lot of danger.
The country's parliament is like a zoo, it is corrupt and chaotic. It is run by warlords who should be tried for their crimes. As the people running our country were not democratically elected, it should be no surprise that they are imposing these undemocratic sentences.
There are countless examples of human rights abuses--from rapes to imprisonments and killings. I want to raise international awareness of these issues but I have been forced to stay in Kabul after my passport was seized by the government.
Speaking out on this and other issues, she was suspended from the country's parliament. In an article that was written just last week, she talked about the situation of poverty, death, cold and famine taking place in Afghanistan. She said, “The situation continues because of the billions of dollars that Afghanistan has received from the international community. Most of the money has gone into the pockets of the warlords and drug lords that the U.S. and its allies have imposed on our country”.
I think there are very clear indications why the mission is failing when there is a government that essentially is not acting in the interests of the citizens of Afghanistan.
I will go on to raise another issue why this mission is failing. An article in The Vancouver Sun last weekend talked about the largest humanitarian aid operation undertaken since the Taliban was removed from power in 2001. This was an aid operation that went to the community of Zhari Dasht in the northern part of Kandahar. There are 50,000 refugees in this camp. Many of the people in this camp are Pashtuns who are unable to return to their homes in other parts of Afghanistan. The article quotes Muhammad Rasal Haidari, who is a Pashtun prevented from returning to his home in northern Afghanistan by warlords from other tribal groups. He is unable to leave the south because of warlords from other groups, groups that are affiliated with the government.
The villages in this region have had no water for crops. There are no jobs of any kind. This largest humanitarian aid operation since the Taliban was removed delivered a sum total for those 50,000 people of a dollar's worth of rice. Those people in that part of Afghanistan have been waiting for seven years and the aid operation that was undertaken by the United States provided a dollar's worth of rice, perhaps 1,200 calories, perhaps half a day's food, to each one of those 50,000 refugees.
I would submit that when the aid actually delivered is that small in nature and when the Pashtuns are unable to leave their region because of warlords, it is understandable that our mission may well not be working.
I will now come to the Oxfam report, “Community Peacebuilding in Afghanistan”, which was issued a few weeks ago.
Oxfam extensively surveyed the Afghani population. The results from Kandahar are particularly interesting, perhaps saddening to all of us in this House. When the Afghanis in Kandahar were asked who the greatest threats to security were, they replied in the following way.
The fourth greatest threat was the Taliban, identified by 18% of those in Kandahar who were questioned. The international forces were identified by 21% as the third greatest threat to security. The second greatest threat to security, as indicated in the Oxfam report, were the warlords, identified by 24%. This has been a constant theme among those who are concerned about the situation in Afghanistan: 24% identified the warlords as the second greatest threat in the province of Kandahar and 29% identified the first greatest threat as the Afghani army, police and the government.
This is a fundamental reason why the mission is not working. When there are those great difficulties with warlords and the Afghani army and police, it is very clear that it is difficult to establish on the ground the type of conditions that the mission originally called for.
We have, as well, our situation of investing more than 90% of Canadian resources in Afghanistan to military means, not to development which is sorely needed according to all of the quotes and reports that we have been citing in this corner of the House. Very clearly, that is where the accent needs to be.
According to a report in La Presse this morning, in the next year we are looking at having spent a total of $7.5 billion in Afghanistan. There have been substantial cost overruns and yet that money is going to military operations when it needs to go toward providing the developmental support that very clearly is needed.
The Guardian newspaper in December 2007 estimated that the amount of money intended for reconstruction that has disappeared into corrupt back pockets is $18 billion a year.
There is the situation. What do we need to do? We need to learn the lessons, I would agree with my Conservative colleagues, of the second world war and the period right afterward. That was a time of the greatest civil strife and terrorism in European history, the period right after the war when the Nazis were defeated. After their military defeat by regular forces, the occupied population produced terrorists who engaged in bombings, sniper attacks, poisonings, other attacks on occupation forces and the civilian population. They operated as regulars in small terror units armed with automatic weapons and bazookas.
Faced with that terror, what happened was the profound Marshall plan, which actually led to substantial investments never before seen and never seen since. It actually allowed for the development work that changed the economy of Europe and provided the essentials to the population of Europe. The terrorists were there. The economic development and support was put in place.
That has not been the case in Afghanistan. That is what reduced the most substantive terrorist threats of the past 100 years. That is very clearly what needs to be done, a new Marshall plan for Afghanistan.
More than that, we also need to have a substantial peace plan. A report which came out yesterday from the CCIC said very clearly that the Canadian government must:
--advocate for peace in Afghanistan by encouraging the international community and Afghan government to strengthen conditions for a future peace process and coordinate current efforts for peace. Canada's approach to Afghanistan must also be re-balanced to better support diplomatic efforts and development priorities.
That is exactly what we have called for.
There is no doubt that we have to change our approach in Afghanistan. The mission has not worked. We have identified the reasons why it has not worked and we have pointed the way to a solution in Afghanistan that would produce results.
I would like to end with two quotes that are important. The NATO Secretary General in May 2007 said:
There is no military solution for Afghanistan. Security alone is not enough. [Afghans] also want a job. They want to see reconstruction and development across the country.
Finally, Romano Prodi, the former president of the EU, said:
The military solution in Afghanistan will not succeed in getting a result, the problem must have a political solution.
That is the position of our party. That is what we hope will be the position of this House of Commons.