Debates of Feb. 26th, 2014

Ukraine

[Peter Goldring, Conservative, Edmonton East, AB]

Mr. Chair, I have not heard of any specific numbers.

Given the circumstances, it is comparable to the Orange Revolution. I believe we had some 1,000 Canadians over there for the Orange Revolution. There was a tremendous number who travelled to monitor the election.

As I was saying earlier, this would be an opportune time to have as many parliamentarians as we can have so that they can interact with parliamentarians there, perhaps across the region. I never travel on these types of election monitoring missions unless I am engaged in other activities while I am there. For example, on the last one, I had the time to visit universities and talk about theology and religious backgrounds. I wanted to delve into the impact of religion on politics in Ukraine. It does have an impact there.

I would again strongly suggest that perhaps an official program be set up so that our parliamentarians can be engaged to interact with the parliamentarians there, and take some time while they are there to help answer some of the questions their parliamentarians have, to give them some guidance and direction, as well as for our parliamentarians to learn from them about how they conduct their political affairs so that we can both gain knowledge from it.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, it is a great privilege to participate in this take note debate. I have appreciated the move toward more conviviality in this place. That is what I experienced in the last take note debate. I had a high regard for all of the members in every part of this place. We are all in this together. We are all Slava Ukraini.

New Democrats, as I know do the other parties in this place, stand with the people of Ukraine. My colleagues and I express our deepest condolences to the people of Ukraine for those who lost their lives and those who remain seriously injured. I know that all members in this House tonight share those condolences. We are relieved that the violence has come to an end. We are hopeful that violence will not start up again.

My colleagues and I have been trying to follow closely and there have been missives coming hourly from all parts of the globe, and particularly from Ukraine and Ukrainians across the globe, updating us on what is going on. I understand that as we speak the new Ukrainian government has been formed, and in a few minutes I will speak about the incredible conditions it is trying to place on who it is appointing into its cabinet.

We continue to take guidance from the people of Ukraine, those who we can communicate with in these difficult times, and with the Canadian Ukrainian community. As other colleagues mentioned occurred in their hometown, in Edmonton more than 200 people showed up in very frigid temperatures for a memorial to those who lost their lives in Ukraine. Following that, as my colleague from Edmonton East mentioned, there was a gathering at a residence for Ukrainian students at the University of Alberta to appreciate and look at the posters that were produced during that time in December to try to encourage people to come to the square and to support the rising of the populace toward a more just society. It was very powerful. If members have the opportunity to have the show come to their town, I would encourage it. It is brilliant.

As many have mentioned, there are almost 1.5 million people of Ukrainian descent in this country. A good many of those are in my province of Alberta and in the city, which I know the hon. member for Edmonton East has shared. In my own constituency, there are many of Ukrainian descent. I have mentioned before that I have had the privilege to share in a beautiful Ukrainian feast on Christmas Eve. The more time I spend with my Ukrainian Canadian friends, the more I think that maybe a bit of me might become Ukrainian. If one lives in Alberta long enough, he or she is bound to pick it up in a certain way.

Free speech and the right to peaceful protests are fundamental to any democracy. That is what Ukrainians are calling for. It is important that as free Canadians, all of us should share some of our time and resources to support them to achieve that which they desire so strongly.

We are pleased that the government has sent a delegation over. We are disappointed however that it did not include representatives of the opposition. I am hopeful that in the next delegations that go, we will have representatives from all parties. Why is that? Because Ukraine itself is now forming a government of many parties together. Maybe even some of the people from the Party of Regions have stepped up to the plate, to join in a more democratic form of government. Therefore, it is important that we show good faith and show that co-operation is possible.

The Ukrainian Canadian community, including the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, has called on Canada to show leadership in the international community. I know that all of us are turning to the UCC for leadership. We all have components of that in our own communities. The UCC is calling for us to support the Ukrainian people to achieve a lasting political solution that includes justice for human rights victims and respect for democratic freedoms. It is my understanding that those measures are on the forefront of the considerations and conditions for appointment to their new government.

To date, there has been a lot of support by Canada to the economic and democratic development of the Ukraine. Back in 2009, I think Ukraine was designated as one of the priorities for Canadian aid through CIDA. Considerable money was dedicated, a lot of which was not only for economic development, particularly in small and medium industries, but also for civil engagement to a certain extent. A year and a half ago, a number of the members in the House today participated in a mission to Ukraine to look into concerns about the erosion of the rule of law and democracy.

We met with chambers of commerce, human rights activists, and opposition and government members. We certainly heard a lot of ideas on measures they would like to take and how we could support them. It is incumbent upon us to be working with other nations around the world to figure out a way for the government of Ukraine to put measures in place so that it can start combatting the corruption, which is endemic in its society.

I have worked in other countries where there is the same problem of corruption. It stems from simply not paying their civil servants enough, who then get on the take so they can survive and look after their families. That is going to be one of the biggest challenges the Ukraine government will face and will require some international expertise in. It has been offered to other nations around the world, and I think that is one of the areas where Canada can really contribute.

Our delegation that went with Foreign Affairs made a number of recommendations to the Government of Canada out of that. We all unanimously agreed. There were a couple of additional ones that our party made. However, we did advocate, immediately and forcefully, for the prompt release of political leaders. Of course, we are all grateful that Tymoshenko has been released. There are others who have been in prison. There are others who have had to leave the country and hopefully, they will be able to come back and participate fairly in Ukraine.

We called for the strengthening of the rule of law. Of course, that has been what has fallen apart. What I am hearing a lot from people, including members of parliament in Ukraine, is it would be absolutely critical that the new government move toward justice for all and toward democracy, not revenge. Coming out of the heat of the moment and the reprehensible killing of people in the streets, there will be a lot of calls for revenge against the police and judges who allowed these activities. It is incumbent on us to send experts to work with Ukraine's department of justice and its police. We have done that before in other nations, and I think we can do that again.

Out of that mission, the New Democrats, particularly, called for a careful look at protecting Canadian investments in Ukraine and making sure they are protected from corruption. I spoke to a representative of the Canadian Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce just today, before I came to the debate. He said that a number of people in Canada are looking into some kind of investment fund that Canadians could invest in to support Ukraine. However, they want to be very careful that there will be stronger measures to protect against corruption, because we want to protect Canadian investments.

Certainly, Ukraine is cash-strapped. We have heard the pleas for support. It may well have lost the Russian support and it will need a major infusion of cash just to keep its government going, let alone its economy. One thing Canada could do, and it has shown leadership in the past—and I was part of that in Indonesia, where Canada gave considerable aid in the 1980s and into the 1990s—is we could show the leadership and bring together the donors from around the world, to sit down and try to coordinate where we could best give the expertise, the assistance, and the dollars, and where they could be targeted to move Ukraine forward in the best way.

As the Ukrainians are expressing very clearly, what went on in the Maidan is not about the EU versus Russia. It is about the call for a just society. We have heard a number of colleagues tonight say let us not talk about Russia versus EU investment and the divide between those who speak Russian and those who speak Ukrainian. It is incumbent upon us to help the Ukrainians to bring all of those divisions together again, and the hope for a united country.

I was going to share some of the terms they have imposed on the cabinet, but I am running out of time. Perhaps in a question I could do that. It is absolutely incumbent on our government, and it has shown that it is recognizing Ukraine's parliament. It may be a little early. They have just established that parliament. Perhaps that will occur when the government delegation is there, or perhaps when they return. Rather than just sending the political delegation, Canada should also be gearing up toward sending a delegation of experts: financial experts, anti-corruption experts, democratic reform experts, and experts in setting up judicial processes. This will be a long-term engagement.

In closing, I would simply say: Slava Ukraini

[Peter Goldring, Conservative, Edmonton East, AB]

Mr. Chair, I would agree with my colleague across the aisle, that for those who think it is a divided nation wanting to turn its back on Russia, it is just not so.

From a trade perspective, when I was in the Euromaidan, I spoke on stage there. Part of my speech to the group there was that we stand with them for freedom and economic and civil trade engagements, not just with the east, not just with the west, but with the world, as truly a nation of the world.

Newspapers have been writing that somehow this was a decision of whether to trade with Russia or trade with the rest of the world. It was not. One-third of Ukraine's trade now is with Russia. Another third of its trade is with Europe, and the other third is with the world. Ukraine plainly wants to maintain that. The arrangement with Russia would have stopped the other two-thirds from happening, by having an emphasis on open borders with Russia and more exclusivity in trading with Russia.

Ukraine does not want to turn its back on Russia. Ukraine has a long history with Russia, but Ukrainians want to have the opportunity to trade with the world as they wish.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, I will share what a young Ukrainian returning to Kiev has been quoted as saying. “This is not about getting into the EU. This is about justice. And justice is something that this country hasn’t seen in a long, long while”.

As I mentioned, to their credit, the new people who are in the process of forming the government have set a number of conditions: no previous member of the presidential administration; long-term experience working with specific sectors; managerial experience; and a complete lack of involvement in human rights abuses and corrupt deals.

Congratulations to the people of Ukraine, trying to put together a proper government.

[Chrystia Freeland, Liberal, Toronto Centre, ON]

Mr. Chair, I will start by assuring the hon. member for Edmonton—Strathcona that we in the Ukrainian community have a saying that everyone is Ukrainian, but they just may not know it yet; so there is still a chance for the hon. member for Edmonton—Strathcona.

I was very interested in the hon. member's comments about creating democratic institutions and creating institutions with civil servants who are able to enforce the rule of law rather than break it.

I wonder whether the hon. member could comment on what specifically Canada can do to help Ukraine in building up its civic institutions, which are clearly one of the things missing in Ukraine, one of the reasons it has come to this real crisis situation.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, I know the hon. member has had considerable experience working overseas, as have I. We have the experience in providing this expertise, as have many other nations around the world.

For example, we have sent judges overseas to train judges in how to properly judge and set up the system. I myself have trained judges, prosecutors, and investigators in several countries around the world. An important part of that program is not just for us to go over and tell them that this is the way we do it, but to bring them to Canada as well.

One of the things that was identified strongly in the mission to Ukraine we had a year and a half ago was the desperate need at the local level in the civic administration, where they have very little experience in actually running government, including engaging citizens, and very little recognition and understanding of NGOs and how to bring people into the council chamber. It is very important to take civic officials over, to take everybody from the judiciary, but it is also important for us to export people who could teach how to set up audit systems and how to deal with corruption.

[Olivia Chow, NDP, Trinity—Spadina, ON]

Mr. Chair, while we mourn the 100 heroes who lost their lives fighting for independence, freedom, and democracy, their spirit will continue to guide us here and in the future and inspire us to assist the people of Ukraine to seek real economic independence, true freedom, and human rights.

While Canada has taken a first step in sending a delegation to Ukraine, we must also assist in the country's economic development, assist in its democratic reform, and help its people root out corruption.

Could my colleague elaborate in some detail on how Canada can contribute to Ukraine's economic and democratic development?

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, I would never pretend that I personally have all the answers for Ukraine. Heaven knows, we are still working on good governance in Canada and, hopefully, all working together in that direction.

I can provide my colleague with a couple of examples, and it would be well worth those who are responsible for foreign affairs and CIDA and so forth looking into this.

While I was working in Bangladesh on a CIDA project, the Government of Canada came out with a program on instituting anti-corruption measures that worked within the Bangladesh government. Bangladesh has been well known for some time as being very high on the list of corrupt regimes, and some headway was made.

We have a lot of expertise within our own administration. We should sit down and do the hard work required, and start talking to our own administration about our experience in other countries, to identify the most cost-effective way to do that.

I understand that the Americans are also headed to the Ukraine right now, and so are the Europeans. It is important for Canada to show leadership. It was done in Indonesia when we had too many donors competing with each other. Canada showed leadership through CIDA. We called a meeting, and continue to hold meetings, to coordinate the donors so that every dollar is used in an efficient and expeditious way without the overlap.

Canada has an opportunity to show leadership here. That is one way that we could contribute to the development of the rule of law and democracy in Ukraine.

[Elizabeth May, Green, Saanich—Gulf Islands, BC]

Mr. Chair, in light of my friend from Strathcona's comments about what Canada could do to show leadership, and given that the United States is now stepping up and saying, as we also hope, that Ukraine can find its way to an acceptable democratic government, does the official opposition think we should join the U.S.?

Secretary of State John Kerry has offered a $1-billion guarantee to help the Ukrainian economy become stable during this time of political crisis. What view would my colleague take of Canadian financial contributions being made?

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, I cannot speak to the actual amount.

In the House today, concerns were raised about Venezuela. I have had people contact me to say that we are talking about Ukraine, but what about Thailand? It is important that the government be serious about that and think about what we can commit.

The member asked a valid question; we need to put our money where our mouth is. Time is of the essence in the Ukraine. If the country tries to hold its government together, it is going to need a major infusion of dollars to get to the next tranche before it can negotiate with IMF or someone else.

We could perhaps also provide guidance to the IMF to not to go too hard on them. Most Ukrainians are living in dire poverty already and could not take much more economic hardship.

It is incumbent upon us to commit a lot more money. We will wait to hear more when the government returns. It would have been nice if representatives of the other parties could be there and we could all come back convivially, to say that having heard them personally we should go for it. There could perhaps be a delegation returning very soon, maybe during the election monitoring.

[Wladyslaw Lizon, Conservative, Mississauga East—Cooksville, ON]

Mr. Chair, I see the opinion that it is the European Union on one side and Russia on the other. On one side we see the European Union that is democratic, inclusive, a group of countries that decided to work together, and on the other side we see Russia, which is not democratic, that wants to rule over others, and the future looks bleak.

The government that was formed today, the government of national unity, has to be approved by parliament tomorrow. It has a very hard task in front of it. One of the tasks is to bring people together, to make sure there is no talk about division in Ukraine. The government has to make sure that all Ukrainians feel included, not excluded, from the whole system. I would like to ask the hon. member for her comments on that.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, the hon. member is making a very good point. However, the important thing will not be what Canada or other external countries can do, but what we can do to support Ukraine to become strong, so that Ukrainians on their own can combat against anybody who might try to divide the country.

Obviously, they are in a lot of turmoil right now. In viewing the coverage, there are volunteer police on the streets with the police officers. Who knows how long the police will have patience for that. There will be many families with deep grief, who will be seeking revenge and so forth. We do not know what is going on in Crimea.

The best we can do is to say we are there for Ukraine to keep the country together and to ask what we can we do to assist. Let us hope that we do not go to the extent where we have to think about sending in armaments, which has happened in the past in some cases.

Time is of the essence. There have been too many times in history where people have said that we should have gone in sooner. Let us not make that mistake this time.

[Joy Smith, Conservative, Kildonan—St. Paul, MB]

Mr. Chair, I was going to say it is my pleasure to stand to talk about this, but in light of everything, it would be an inappropriate comment. Tonight, as I was listening to all the speeches, I was thinking about the Orange Revolution. I was in Ukraine during the Orange Revolution with my colleague. I was thinking back to walking down the streets of Kiev and seeing all the orange tents. There was orange all over the place. There were very patriotic Ukrainians who wanted a democratic country, the right to vote the way they wanted to vote, all the things we enjoy in our great nation of Canada. I remembered sitting in one of the tents with six young people talking to me about their dreams for Ukraine.

It was with great sadness that I learned of the problems under the rule of Yanukovych, of having democracy in Ukraine being turned all around. I give my very sincere condolences for those who have lost their lives in Ukraine and to the families who have had to deal with great violence in the face of their own patriotism for their country.

When I was in the countryside of Ukraine, I saw beautiful farm families. They made the best borscht in the world, I have to say. It was great. Along with that was the people's very warm and open hearts about their country.

Before I go any further, I should inform you that I will be sharing my time with the member for Mississauga—Erindale.

We can share our time and express our hopes and dreams for Ukraine. We have 1.3 million Ukrainian Canadians in our country, whose hearts are in our country as well as in Ukraine, and whose hearts are breaking. In my own family, my brother-in-law is Ukrainian. There are many memories for Ukrainian Canadians of what it was like in Ukraine and coming to Canada. We are sister countries in many respects. The Ukrainian people who immigrated to Canada have helped build our great nation and contributed greatly. Yet, today, in my riding of Kildonan—St. Paul, I see Ukrainian Canadians flocking to their churches and community centres to raise money to help their sisters and brothers, cousins, aunt and uncles, in Ukraine, to ensure they have some resources to get through this very troublesome time.

As usual, Canada always rises to the top, in aid and caring about what happens in Ukraine and to the citizens of Ukraine. In Canada, we have not had the experience of having to fight for democracy on our streets. This is a very privileged country. We have democracy. We have the right to walk where we want to walk, to vote the way we want to vote, to speak of what we want to speak.

I visited Ukraine during the Orange Revolution, and I have visited since then, and it is a very different kind of feeling on the streets. Freedom is not only within the rules, regulations, and law of the country, it is also within the heart of the country and its citizens. Tonight, all of us on all sides of the House are thinking about what we, as Canadians, not only Ukrainian Canadians but others, can do to help our sister country get through this troubled time.

I have a lot of confidence in the people of Ukraine. I know they know the solutions that they will need in their country and I know that they will carry them through. They have demonstrated it with their blood and with their voices in the streets of Ukraine.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Chair, I appreciate the comments from my colleague just across the boundary line from myself, as I am sure she is as aware as I am that there has been a great deal of interest within the community in Winnipeg. We have had everything from rallies at the Manitoba legislature to special events in some of the community churches. There is a great deal of interest in what is taking place in Ukraine, and it goes even further than individuals of Ukrainian heritage.

One concern they have, and I made reference to this point earlier, is how important it is that we do what we can here in the House of Commons. One thing we can do is to make a firm commitment that we are going to send observers. That is important.

I would like the member to comment on the need to look at ways we can assist Ukraine economically, because the economics of Ukraine are going to be very important in the years ahead. Maybe she might want to comment on that aspect of building a relationship between what I would classify as two great nations.

[Joy Smith, Conservative, Kildonan—St. Paul, MB]

Mr. Chair, I have always known the member from Winnipeg North to be a very caring person and very in tune with nations that are having these kinds of problems, especially the Ukraine because, as the member said, in Winnipeg we have a great deal of Ukrainian Canadians who have settled in Winnipeg and made it their home.

I think, as was said earlier by one of the colleagues on this side of the House, we first of all need to take our direction from Ukraine. We will be the support. We will be the help.

In the past, Canada has had a tradition of going to monitor elections. We have had a tradition in this country of helping out when help was needed, whether it was monetary help, help during elections, or support systems and advice when support systems and advice were needed.

As the days unfold in the very near future, what we need to do for the country of Ukraine will become apparent. Right now, we have a delegation on its way over to that country. I think we will always continue to be there for Ukraine.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Chair, I would like to thank the hon. member for participating in this very important discussion at this late hour. I will not say “debate”, because I think we are in agreement here.

The hon. member has been very active in Edmonton in an activity I have also been engaged in: combatting trafficking of girls and women. Before Christmas I attended a session sponsored by a group in Edmonton, the Maple Leaf group, at which an author spoke about the depth of the problem with the trafficking of Ukrainian girls and women.

I think it is important to keep in perspective that judicial reform and democratic reform have many components and that there are many in our non-governmental sector, in addition to the government sector, who may well be able to provide assistance. It is my experience in working internationally that it is often much better for the federal government to provide money to non-governmental organizations, which in turn can work with the NGOs in that other country.

I wonder if she would speak to that point. Those are the kinds of initiatives through which Canada could actually do good work with a smaller amount of money.

With the decline of the judicial process and the rule of law in Ukraine, many are falling through the cracks, and they include the girls and women being trafficked both into Ukraine from other nations as well as out of Ukraine to Canada and other countries.

Does the member agree that there may be innovative ways that Canada could provide assistance in a very economical way?

[Joy Smith, Conservative, Kildonan—St. Paul, MB]

Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague from Edmonton—Strathcona for bringing up that topic. In years past, I did quite a bit of work in Ukraine on this issue with Abina Dann, the former Canadian ambassador to Ukraine.

In terms of the financial aspect of it, that always comes into play in situations like this. As I have said, as the days unfold, Ukraine will give us better direction on how it wants other countries to support it and infuse whatever is needed to help it come to a democracy where people can be free, where they can build their businesses, and where they can grow.

In terms of the actual dollars and things like that, we will soon know what we are able to do and what Ukraine wants us to do as the days and months unfold.

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Justice]

Mr. Chair, when we last met in debate on this subject on January 27, I do not believe any of us could have imagined the events that would transpire over the ensuing weeks. I can only describe them as stunning in their ferocity and violence and in the swift outcome of recent days, with the fall of the Yanukovych regime and its replacement with a new transitional government.

I would also like to join with my colleague from Edmonton East in expressing sympathy and condolences to all the victims of violence in the protests on the Maidan and elsewhere in Ukraine. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families and friends of those killed in those protests.

We all stand united here in support of the courageous peaceful protestors who stood up for democracy and are continuing to do so in Ukraine. We call on the relevant authorities to bring all those responsible for violence and death to justice as soon as possible. We support the Ukrainian people in their ongoing quest for democracy and human rights, including press freedom, and we were pleased to see the release of Yulia Tymoshenko and all political prisoners.

We look forward to new presidential elections now that Yanukovych and his government have been deposed, and we call on all nations, including all the neighbours of Ukraine, Russia included, to respect the borders of Ukraine and the self-determination of the Ukrainian people. We also call on President Putin to recognize the new transitional Ukrainian government. I would also like to suggest that we support the IMF and the international community in their efforts to assist Ukraine in stabilizing the Ukrainian economy. Members will know that Canada is a major contributor to the IMF.

Canada should and will support Ukrainian democracy by sending a large election observation mission to the new presidential election in May, and I am quite confident that we will get good advice from both CANADEM and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress on how that mission should be structured. The Ukrainian people must be allowed to choose their own economic and democratic future, and all nations, including Russia, must respect the democratic choices of the Ukrainian people.

Canada welcomes the presidential transition in Ukraine. We stand ready to support the efforts toward a stable, democratic, and united Ukraine. As Ukraine enters a phase of de-escalation and the transition faces many challenges and difficult times ahead, the situation remains extremely fragile.

In December 2012, I had the honour of attending the OSCE meeting in Dublin and learning about the OSCE and what it can do in supporting democracy and media freedom and other human rights throughout this region. Through its multidimensional approach to security that includes politico-military, economic, environmental, and human rights, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or OSCE as it is commonly referred to, is one tool that can be used to assist Ukraine. This organization, which includes all the players involved in brokering the February 21 agreement, including France, Poland, Germany, and the Russian Federation as well as Ukraine, has invaluable experience in helping participating states successfully overcome political turmoil by building transparency and confidence.

Throughout the crisis, Canada's mission to the OSCE in Vienna delivered statements every week, calling on all sides to refrain from violence and to resolve the crisis through dialogue and political means and respect for human rights. Canada's ambassador to the OSCE also expressed support for the OSCE's involvement in defusing the situation and continuously encouraged the then Ukrainian government to accept the Swiss OSCE chair's offer of assistance. I would like to bring to the attention of all of my colleagues the role the OSCE can and should play in the stabilization of Ukraine over the next few weeks and months.

Having said that, I would like to say for all of my friends in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Canadian community here in Canada, Slava Ukraini. Slava Canada.

[Alexandrine Latendresse, NDP, Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC]

Mr. Chair, I would like to wholeheartedly thank my colleague for his speech. I had the opportunity to travel with him to Ukraine just over two years ago in order to take stock of the state of human rights and democracy in that country, which should have access to much greater democracy.

According to members of civil society and people we met, there had been a major setback despite significant efforts and progress made in the mid-2000s.

I would like the member to talk about the situation in the past two years, since our trip, including the events that unfolded very quickly over the past few weeks.

Does he think that the damage caused by the Yanukovych regime to civil society and the Ukrainian people is irreversible, or is there still hope for Ukrainian society?

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Chair, the member and I had the opportunity, as she pointed out, to travel to Ukraine with the parliamentary foreign affairs committee in May 2012.

Although we could not have predicted exactly how things would play out in Ukraine, I think we saw the seeds of what has happened in the last few months, while we were there. We saw the deterioration of rule of law. We saw the deterioration of press freedom. We saw manipulations with the democratic process. All of those things built pressure to bring down the Yanukovych government and bring the results we have seen in the last few days.

The member mentioned other organizations. We took the time while we were there to go to Kharkiv in the east and Lviv in the west. We met with members of civil society, non-governmental organizations. There are a number of those that Canada supports through the international development agency.

When I was parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, I had occasion to meet with a number of them. I was very encouraged to see that those same NGOs that were providing support for democracy in the parliamentary elections last year were also on the Maidan participating in a protest. Many of them are still there today, and some of them are actually even becoming members of the new transition government.

Canada has played a big role in supporting the development of democracy in Ukraine, and it will be able to continue to do so. I hope it will continue to do so in the future.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Chair, our Ukrainian Canadian Congress has done a phenomenal job of just ensuring that Canadians as a whole are very much informed and kept aware of the things that have been occurring in Ukraine over the last number of months.

That particular organization and the provincial organizations should be applauded for their actions and the amount of information they have been able to share with a much wider part of our population.

In fact, it circulated a petition. I just want to make reference to the third point on the petition, where it is suggesting:

work with like-minded countries to impose personal sanctions against those individuals, their family members and associates who are responsible for human rights violations, criminal activity or corrupt business practices in Ukraine.

The whole idea of sanctions is something we talked about a lot. I am wondering if the member would like to provide some comment in terms of what the Government of Canada is doing today in regard to sanctions.

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Chair, just briefly, the idea of sanctions is something that is definitely worth considering.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs has indicated that all those options are on the table. The purpose of the sanctions that were suggested by the government about a week ago was to put pressure on the Yanukovych government to release political prisoners and to stop using violence against peaceful protestors in the Maidan.

The government has changed now, so I think what we have to do now is work with our international allies and partners to bring about a coordinated effort using the appropriate kinds of sanctions against the appropriate individuals to support Ukraine's transition to a new government and to a new, democratic, and brighter economic future.

[Alexandrine Latendresse, NDP, Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC]

Mr. Chair, Ukraine means a lot to me. I wish I could explain why I feel so attached to this country, but it is hard. I suppose many can relate. Sometimes you become attached to people in foreign lands through travels or cultural discoveries. You find a place where you feel good. All of a sudden, you understand the people. You tell yourself, “I am going to come back here.” It is a question of natural predilection.

That is what I experienced with Ukraine. When I was there, in Crimea, for the very first time, I had no idea that I just happened to open the door to a whole new cultural and emotional experience.

That was in 2006, two years after the Orange Revolution. I was coming from Russia. I was able to see first-hand the difference between those two countries, because, despite the many political highs and lows in Ukraine, Ukrainian society was still openly capitalizing on the steps it had taken toward freedom two years earlier. The energy released by the Orange Revolution was almost as strong as that from the 1990 declaration of independence. The country was rising enthusiastically in its own image, according to its own will and in total freedom. Even though the material and economic conditions were not the best, Ukraine, with the Baltic states, represented at the time the best hope of leaving the post-Soviet misery behind once and for all.

Then, in February 2010, everything shifted. Yanukovych's victory in the presidential election was not a good sign. I will go over the events of the past three years, which have been a slow and grotesque nightmare from which we have just woken up.

In the days following the victory of the Party of Regions, western democracies were stunned. The election results were clear. The election was fairly clean. We had to recognize that the Ukrainian people had expressed their democratic will. The United States accepted the election results, as did Europe.

The attitude taken by western democracies ranged from pragmatism born of necessity to the most absurd denial. There had been many electoral irregularities, incidents of intimidation, shell games, in short, the usual scheming, but we did not want to get too involved. The message was that the time for revolution had passed.

As for Yanukovych, we put up with him, as we would a monkey that we think we can eventually train. After all, we are now free to say out loud what we were whispering at the time. I would like to remind members that when Yanukovych was elected, everyone suspected that he was behind the attempted poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko. It was neither a legend nor hearsay. All the literature from that time confirms it. Basically, it was no secret.

Disgrace was inevitable in his case. Now, there is an international warrant for his arrest. I do not know how long he will be able to hide.

Let me get back to 2010. At first, Europe felt that it had built strong enough ties with Ukraine to gently guide Yanukovych's administration in the right direction. While I am sure that European diplomats did not have high hopes, they likely thought Europe could play a positive role in Ukraine, if only by setting an example.

What was the response on the ground? Reactions were mixed. Ukrainians had seen just about everything in their 500-year history, and this was not the first time they had been disappointed. The public believed that the fact that opinions in the country were sharply divided would be enough to keep the government nervous, even if the opposition was weakened by internal power struggles.

On February 22, 2010, Tymoshenko, then a defeated candidate, did not mince words when she said that the oligarchy needs cheap labour and poor and disenfranchised people who can be forced to work at their factories for peanuts. They also need Ukraine's riches, which they had been stealing for the last 18 years.

It turns out that her words perfectly summarize Yanukovych's four-year reign. His refusal to sign the agreement with the European Union last fall was simply a logical consequence of this systematic plan to bring Ukraine to its knees. Tymoshenko's warning was materializing.

Things were quickly going to get worse as far as she was concerned. Her unlawful conviction in August 2011 after a long, rigged trial confirmed the worst. Yanukovych was seeking revenge and he was prepared to blatantly and shamelessly bend the rules to stay in power. The international community unequivocally condemned this trial.

Canada also did not waste any time. In the fall of 2011, this Parliament decided to warn the Ukrainian government that it would not tolerate such serious affronts to the rule of law and human rights.

In May 2012, a parliamentary delegation, which included myself and several of my colleagues who are here tonight, went to Ukraine to get a first-hand look at what was happening.

Our embassy in Kiev made it easier to communicate with over 50 stakeholders from various political and civil circles. For a week, we were able to listen to enlightening testimony.

We came to the astounding realization that, despite the well-developed networks of civil actors and the united message they were sending, the country seemed to have returned to the uncertain days of the post-Soviet transition. Insecurity, corruption and worthless legal processes were weakening the state and society.

I was able to see the difference given my familiarity with the country. The winds of freedom that were blowing in 2006 had died. Conversations with friends were heavy and sad. Ukrainians were seeing all the efforts they had made since 2004 being undermined by the regime. A dark curtain just been drawn over their future. Do hon. members understand what such a crisis meant for a people who had already experienced so many setbacks?

In frustration, Ukrainians put on their old, well-worn blinders just so they would have the strength to continue to live in this country that history refused to liberate.

However, history teaches a lesson that no one can deny. The Ukrainian spirit is strong and always resurges. I told myself this repeatedly, saying that, in this end, this extraordinary people, these Cossacks, would react.

In November 2013, the Yanukovych administration refused to sign the agreement to join the European Union that had been in progress for years. In one fell swoop, it was as if the country's heart had been ripped out.

People spontaneously took to the street, assembling at Independence Square, as they did in 2004, to demand government accountability. Yanukovych's selfish and indefensible decision to favour the exclusive customs union with Russia shocked Ukrainians deeply. Their only door to a better future had been shut, forcing them to accept an uncertain role in an area under Moscow's control with predictable consequences.

If the question is whether the Russian government is involved in everything that has happened, the answer is yes, of course. As are Europe and the United States. We need to stop being surprised that the Russian government is doing everything it can to keep a grip on the former Soviet republics. Who can they turn to? What we can see is that it is not working.

Let me paint a quick picture. Kazakhstan and its wealth turn to China, its neighbour. Georgia, through Turkey, went to the West. Azerbaijan conducts its own small and very lucrative business and is as happy as a clam. Ukraine turns to Europe. At the end of the day, there is not much left for them, except Lukashenko.

I followed the incredible series of events last week very closely. If someone had told me last Wednesday that I had to speak to the situation, I would not have had the words to express my utter dismay. Things seemed so irreparable that I was starting to lose hope.

On Thursday, when I found out that snipers had indiscriminately shot peaceful protesters, my worst fears were realized. However, the Cossack spirit prevailed and everything turned around in matter of 24 hours. The revolution that seemed impossible had become a reality.

On the weekend, I could not take my eyes off the news, as Yanukovych's support collapsed and the Verkhovna Rada deposed the president. Seeing Yulia Tymoshenko in a wheelchair in Independence Square, in front of a huge, but silent crowd who were listening to her impassioned speech, was indescribable.

I am immensely proud to be here today to express how I feel about this. I want to reiterate my deep affection for Ukraine and its people. I want to send my deepest condolences to the families of the victims, killed because they believed in freedom for Ukraine. To them I say:

[Member spoke in Ukrainian as follows:]

Slava heroyam!

[Translation]

I am calling on the Government of Canada to follow the example of the European Union and the United States, support the new transitional government and reaffirm its unwavering support for Ukraine and its democratic aspirations.

[Member spoke in Ukrainian and provided the following translation:]

Together we will prevail! Glory to Ukraine!

[Ed Komarnicki, Conservative, Souris—Moose Mountain, SK]

Mr. Chair, I appreciated hearing the member speak about the spirit and the people of Ukraine, and the fact that they were prepared to put themselves in harm's way, where death and bodily injury ensued.

What would the member say was the underlying point or principle that caused a nation or a group of people to be prepared to go to that degree to ensure that a certain set of events would take place?

[Alexandrine Latendresse, NDP, Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC]

Mr. Chair, that is an excellent question to which there is no quick or easy answer. I think that the Ukrainian people were ready for what happened. That is exactly what they had been seeking for a long time. The Yanukovych regime forced them to endure so much, and the point of no return was his refusal to sign the agreement with the European Union.

For many Ukrainians, that was the straw that broke the camel's back. They could not accept it. They said enough was enough, they were going to occupy the square and they did not want that kind of thing any more. They wanted a truly democratic and free Ukraine. We must use every available resource to support the movement and help Ukraine continue its progress toward democracy and freedom.