Madam Speaker, I want to begin my remarks by acknowledging the delicacy, sensitivity, and grace that the subject before us requires. The subject matter of this debate, assisted dying, raises issues of the most profound importance, indeed of life and death.
They engage our deepest sentiments not only as parliamentarians but as humans. They involve our conscience, our morality, our ethics, our values, our philosophies, our spirituality, our individuality, and our dignity. I believe we must approach these issues with the utmost care, compassion, and respect, because Canadians have diverse and deeply held views on this matter, all worthy of consideration and deference.
The context of the debate is clear: death is feared, suffering is feared, loss of control is feared. With the advances in modern medicine, people today can, and indeed must, contemplate living without an acceptable quality of life, of being alive but not living, of possessing basic bodily functions without agency, without dignity, without hope.
At the same time, we fear the diminution of the sanctity of life, of the possibility of abuse of the vulnerable among us, embarking on a slippery slope that challenges long-standing foundational tenets of respect for the preservation of human life. This debate is about a fundamental collision of values, one which is based on the instinct to live and to preserve life in all instances, and the other premised on the right to control our inevitable passing as an inherent aspect of our individualism and personal liberty.
I hope that we treat the issues involved in this debate with the compassion and respect that they deserve, because we must simultaneously balance the notions of death with dignity with life with dignity. There will be no right or wrong here. There is only the possibility of compromise, understanding, and moving forward with as much wisdom and sensitivity as possible.
In many ways, we have taken an unfortunate path to the present. We are here by virtue of the legal process. It was based on a rights-based analysis and decision engendered by the mandate of a court, quite legitimately, because of a charter-based argument that challenged criminal provisions as violating individual constitutional rights.
We are not here because of a discussion based on faith, or conscience, or ethics. This has left many Canadians feeling rushed and robbed of the kind of full debate that perhaps ought to have been conducted on a matter of such social depth. As such, we are here debating not if, but how assisted death might best be implemented.
However, I do take comfort in the fact that the Supreme Court of Canada arrived at its decision unanimously, something that does not commonly occur. This gives me confidence that the most learned jurists in our nation were certain that we, as parliamentarians, can and must construct a system that allows Canadians to seek and obtain the assistance of their medical providers in ending their lives in tightly defined circumstances.
I would like to address my comments and thoughts on two areas: palliative care, and key aspects of this legislation. I am the health critic for the New Democratic Party and, as such, I approach this issue not only from a values or ethical or moral perspective, but from a health care point of view. I believe one of the most central aspects of the debate before us must revolve around palliative care. If we are honest, we will acknowledge that we as a nation have failed to construct the range and quality of end-of-life care that is essential to provide Canadians with the confidence they need to live their lives to the fullest extent.
We as a society have been remiss, slow to develop a system of palliative care that is so essential when we contemplate end-of-life issues. If we are to do our best to create the conditions where Canadians avail themselves of assisted death only in the rarest of circumstances, we must focus on achieving a number of things.
We must create pain-management programs to ensure that we have the widest possible resources to make everyone comfortable, regardless of their medical condition or proximity to end of life. We must develop home care resources to ensure that folks, especially seniors, can live their remaining days in the comfort of their personal surroundings, communities, memories, friends, and families.
We must construct palliative units across our country that allow people who are approaching their end to have environments that are comfortable, enriching, graceful, and interesting, and where spouses, children, families, and friends can be together in respectful private settings. They should have the very best medical care a developed country like Canada can muster. If we were to invest in world-class palliative care, we would likely see relatively few Canadians seeking assisted death.
Regardless of where one is placed on this debate, I think we all agree that we should be trying our best to encourage all Canadians to choose to live their lives to the fullest. This bill, the government, and its recent budget have thus far failed to identify and provide the resources needed to make a world-class palliative care system a reality in this country. Talk is not enough, and this must change. As New Democrats, we will work ceaselessly to press the government to allocate the resources necessary to build a world-class palliative care system across Canada. We will press the governments of every province and territory to work together to ensure that this system is available to all Canadians, regardless of where they live.
I have some key observations.
I personally believe that competent adults have the right to determine the conditions of their passing in the circumstances identified by the Supreme Court, namely where they face a grievous and irremediable medical condition that they find intolerable, and with a carefully designed and secure process that ensures their wishes can be ascertained with certainty. To the extent that this legislation deviates from that decision, it must be amended.
If it is truly the case that the prime successful litigant in the Supreme Court case, Ms. Kay Carter, would not be permitted a physician-assisted passing under this legislation, that is patently wrong. I believe we must tread extremely cautiously in this area and move very deliberately.
While I have listened carefully to those who favour a broad expansion of assisted death beyond the Supreme Court's careful parameters, I do not agree. In my view, care and caution are required in such delicate matters. Very difficult considerations accompany the issues of mature minors, psychological suffering, and advance consent. I believe it is the wisest course to engage fully with Canadians prior to legislating in these areas. We are moving from a society that has observed criminal sanctions for suicide and assisted death for centuries, to one which is constructing a system in response to the circumstances presented to the Supreme Court in the Carter case. In my view, this is sufficient for the moment, and we ought to focus our efforts on ensuring that the Carter principles are properly enshrined in law.
As the father of a child with special needs, I want to ensure that every vulnerable Canadian is fully protected with respect to all circumstances in this area. I am sympathetic to those who fear a slide down a slippery slope that puts vulnerable Canadians at risk, and I agree that we must ensure tight parameters are in place to prevent this. I believe that we can and must explicitly ensure that medical personnel and institutions have their rights of faith and conscience fully protected. Just as I believe that Canadians who wish to exercise their charter rights to access assisted dying must be respected, so too must those who choose not to be involved in such matters because of their faith or values not be compelled to do so. The constitutional rights of some Canadians must not be enforced at the cost and by the diminution of the constitutional rights of other Canadians.
I further believe that faith-based health institutions are direct extensions of the faith communities and groups that sponsor them and, as such, constitute expressions of values that are eminently worthy of protection. I believe we can ensure that all Canadians have access to their Carter rights while also protecting the equally important rights of those who may have conscientious objections to participating in any way in them.
In the end, it is my fundamental conviction that we as parliamentarians can and must craft legislation that reflects the best of who we are as Canadians: people who cherish individual rights and liberties, people who care deeply about each other, people who are compassionate and concerned with justice, and people who are dedicated to making our society one that is ruled by law, by wisdom, and by respect for all.
I will do my very best to reflect these values as we craft this important legislation for Canadians.