Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to be taking part in tonight's debate, and I would like to thank everyone for participating. The debate we are having today and will continue to have in the coming days and weeks is an important one. We need to find a solution before the deadline that the Supreme Court of Canada gave us. We got an extension so that we could get the job done in a limited period of time.
I would like to review the reasons why we are debating this issue. I think it is important to put the debate in context. We are having this debate tonight because of a Supreme Court of Canada ruling that directed Parliament to consider the matter and propose a legislative solution.
In its decision, the Supreme Court of Canada clearly struck down two Criminal Code provisions. Now it is up to us, as responsible parliamentarians, to fill the legal void that will take effect on June 6, 2016. This discussion predates the Supreme Court of Canada's decision. Rulings by lower courts led to the Supreme Court of Canada's final ruling. That is why we are here to talk about this.
It started when Ms. Carter, who is familiar to us all, and a number of other people went to the B.C. Supreme Court because they wanted the Criminal Code provisions that, until now, prevented people from aiding someone to take their own life struck down. That is what started the debate, and it ended with the Supreme Court of Canada ruling.
I would like to read a few excerpts from the ruling that indicate what our mandate as parliamentarians is. The Carter decision is historic. The first aspect that makes this decision historic is that the Supreme Court of Canada recognized that the B.C. court had the right to rule against the jurisprudence from the Rodriguez case. The trial judge decided to change the jurisprudence, because her ruling contradicted the ruling from a previous case. The trial judge's ruling also contradicted a Supreme Court of Canada ruling. Frankly, that was one of the important topics of discussion that came from this court case. Did the judge have the right to reverse the jurisprudence that had been valid until that point? It is a contentious issue. The fact that the Supreme Court of Canada validated the interpretation of the trial judge was historic. The changes that have taken place in the social context, in our society, are what allowed her to change the jurisprudence. The Supreme Court of Canada upheld the decision. It was also historic because it recognized that the right to life also includes the right to end one's life. It was the first time we had such an interpretation.
I will now quote an excerpt from the Supreme Court of Canada decision:
Here, the prohibition deprives some individuals of life, as it has the effect of forcing some individuals to take their own lives prematurely, for fear that they would be incapable of doing so when they reached the point where suffering was intolerable.
Later it states:
The prohibition on physician-assisted dying infringes the right to life, liberty and security of the person in a manner that is not in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.
When I read these excerpts from the summary, I was surprised by the interpretation. I agreed with this interpretation, but I have to admit that, reading it for the first time, it was a surprise. That is why my colleague spoke about irony. Nevertheless, it is quite true that the right to life also includes the right to dispose of it.
I remember very well the moment when the decision was handed down on February 6, 2015. It was a Friday afternoon and I was in my riding office. The first thing I did was read the document. I was very interested in constitutional law, but also in this timely topic and the societal debate.
Quebec had a similar debate over the course of several years. I was curious to see what the Supreme Court would say. I was especially intrigued by the mandate given to us in its decision, namely to draft new legislation so that the right recognized by the Supreme Court would be granted to Canadians.
However, I was disappointed that the discussion did not get under way in the ensuing days. I was expecting it to happen quickly, but there were delays. I do not understand why, because it was a historic and unanimous Supreme Court decision. This decision directly involved parliamentarians, but it took a long time before things were put in place. We spoke out against that.
True, some work was done by experts. However, once again, it took too long. It is important to point out this foot-dragging. As a parliamentarian, I was disappointed that it was not the first item on the government's agenda when we returned to this place. The government quite simply did not want to talk about it. Yes, it did appoint a panel, but it quite simply refused to talk about the issue. I found that deplorable.
Now we are faced with a fait accompli, if I can put it that way. The Supreme Court decision requires us to make this service accessible because it is a constitutional right. As responsible parliamentarians, we cannot stand idly by. The Supreme Court gave us the mandate to ensure that this new constitutional right is accessible and given to Canadians.
As parliamentarians, we cannot just say that this is a constitutional right that every Canadian is entitled to and then turn around and restrict access to this service as much as possible. We should do the opposite.
It is important to understand the essence of the Supreme Court decision, that the right to medical assistance in dying is a constitutional right protected under the charter. As parliamentarians, we have no reason not to make this service accessible to everyone. I urge all my colleagues to support this bill in order to send it to committee and possibly improve it, so as to ensure that it respects the Supreme Court decision.
The last thing we want is to have more legal cases or more delays for those who might want to access this service quickly.