House of Commons Hansard #30 of the 43rd Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was huawei.

Topics

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

Conservative

Chris Lewis Conservative Essex, ON

Madam Speaker, there has been a lot of discussion today about the idea that the motion may be getting rushed. I could point to a few pieces of legislation from over my short term here in the House that have also been rushed.

I wonder if the member would agree with me that it is very important for us to get this motion passed quickly. As my colleague alluded to, some of our greatest allies have said absolutely no to Huawei. I believe doing otherwise would be exposing all Canadians. Would my hon. colleague agree with me?

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

Bloc

Kristina Michaud Bloc Avignon—La Mitis—Matane—Matapédia, QC

Madam Speaker, I agree with my colleague that we should head in the same direction as our allies, who seem to have taken a stance on the issue. However, a few months ago, we debated a Conservative motion to create a committee on Canada-China relations. The idea was that it would study this very issue. I apologize for not having kept tabs on the committee's work, but I wonder why a motion to speed things up was moved here when a committee is already on it.

I think we should let the various committees come to their own conclusions before we rush the issue, as my colleague said. I think it deserves more attention.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

Green

Paul Manly Green Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC

Madam Speaker, I agree that this is an important motion coming forward.

We have heard previous speakers talk about experts coming to the industry committee to talk about the Investment Canada Act. I would like to see hearings on the Canada-China FIPA and get Gus Van Harten to testify at Parliament, because he says that this is a FIPA like no other.

Australia and the other Five Eyes partners do not have the kinds of investment treaties that lock them in, and we could be paying billions to Huawei. I wonder if the hon. member would support having hearings into the Canada-China FIPA to see what the implications of this agreement, which was set up by the Harper Conservatives, are having on this country.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

Bloc

Kristina Michaud Bloc Avignon—La Mitis—Matane—Matapédia, QC

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for his question.

As I said, I believe the creation of the Canada-China relations committee is very important. It must keep hearing from people directly involved in this issue. I believe it has a lot of issues to look at in connection with Huawei, the 5G network and spying.

I want to come back to the 30-day deadline, which seems unreasonable to me. A little more time is needed to look into this. There are already committees looking at the issue, so I think we could take a little more time. However, honestly, I welcome the Conservative motion.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

The hon. member for Lac-Saint-Jean will have time to give his speech, but probably not enough time to respond to questions and comments. The hon. member for Lac-Saint-Jean.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5 p.m.

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

Madam Speaker, as I said earlier, if the hon. member for Wellington—Halton Hills had not moved this motion, I probable would have done so myself.

Obviously I have some reservations, but I want to take a few minutes today to share my thoughts and explain why I think this motion is a step in the right direction.

The constitutional role of the House and the government is to address international challenges and ensure the general security of the distinct states that make up Canada. I say this because it is clear to me that the motion before us today touches on the very concept of state sovereignty. It is a sensitive issue, but one that we need to discuss, and we must do so in an entirely non-partisan way.

Obviously it is my hope that Quebec will become a country that manages the international relations of the Quebec people according to its own values and interests. However, when it comes to the Huawei and 5G issue and, more broadly, Beijing's growing influence on Canadian soil, Ottawa must act, and act quickly.

In many ways, China's approach under the Chinese Communist Party has been to shine across the world. Clearly its appetite for power is now only limited by what others will tolerate. In that regard, the west has been particularly tolerant of an objectively brutal, controlling and increasingly expansionist regime.

In a world where economies are past the point of no return in terms of interdependence, international political action has become much more complex. However, the facts remain simple. The Minister of Foreign Affairs will not be my biggest fan today, but at the risk of adding a layer to the embarrassment that can sometimes be brought on by facts, I will make a connection with the parliamentary business that happened over the summer.

As hon. members of the House know, the Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development conducted a study on the situation of the Uighur people in Xinjiang. It will come as no surprise that the findings of the subcommittee are rather clear about the existence of genocide in China. I know it because I am deputy chair of the subcommittee.

What may surprise some people is that the Chinese state is using technology to spy on and intimidate people, right here in Canada, in connection with this genocide. The Chinese Communist Party is literally tracking families and nationals who speak up for Uighurs abroad, and this is being done with absolute impunity.

As my colleague pointed out right before me, Chinese technologies are often suspected of being used for industrial and political espionage. Let's be clear: Technologies that are used to surveil Chinese citizens could very well be used to surveil our own citizens.

It has been documented that Chinese companies play a role in the police state, in China and elsewhere. These often proven suspicions should make us very cautious, with emphasis on “cautious”. This means being careful to avoid risks and act calmly, based on the facts. We must absolutely not cut corners here.

I have heard the arguments about the impending critical importance of 5G technology to communications infrastructure. It represents an immense technological leap that will potentially transform the economy. The implementation of 5G technology is the equivalent of switching from the telegram to the fax while still getting around in a horse-drawn carriage. It is very simple: 5G technology is a train that is already moving and we have to get on it safely.

That is why I support the motion, and I also want to continue our parliamentary work by studying the issue at committee. If I am so very pleased that we completed our study of the Uighurs, it is for two principles that apply to any issue.

First, even though it was apparent that atrocities were being committed, we went ahead and verified the facts. We did that because we have a duty of diligent care, which puts us firmly on the side of serious democracies and sets us apart from tyrannies and dictatorships, which have no such duty.

Second, our actions are legitimized by this process of seeking out the truth. Our truth and the truth are the same thing. That is not the case for tyrannies and dictatorships. That is why the Chinese government reacted to our conclusions by insinuating that we made a mistake. I was not at all embarrassed by our comments. We did our job, we assessed the facts and we can defend them. I will repeat that these principles also apply to 5G, Huawei and Chinese interference.

I would add that we have a certain duty of conscience in this matter. This may seem righteous, but given that we take our democracy seriously, it is imperative that we condemn acts committed by totalitarian regimes. In my view, condemning barbaric acts is just as important as condemning the tools with which they are committed.

We need to uphold the standards that give us the right to speak out and then act. It is true that many allied countries have taken action. The motion that we are currently debating mentions Australia, but there is also New Zealand, which has a very individualized approach, as does the United Kingdom and the United States.

It is critical that we adopt an approach that addresses our concerns and our own specific realities. The best way to do that is for us, as parliamentarians, to choose the path to follow. Requiring the government to comply with the motion in 30 days would mean skipping a number of steps and is unrealistic, in my humble opinion. To put this deadline into perspective a little, the government has more than 30 days to respond to the petitions that we table.

I will end my speech because I think I am running out of time and I would like to answer my colleagues' questions. I think that the Special Committee on Canada-China Relations needs to have the time to submit its report. We have time, but the most important thing is that we need to be able to justify our actions.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:10 p.m.

Conservative

Cathay Wagantall Conservative Yorkton—Melville, SK

Madam Speaker, I appreciated listening to the member's speech. I want to comment on the issue of the Five Eyes and how all of our allies have come out very strongly against Huawei, yet the member for Outremont, from the Liberal side of the floor, indicated in her speech that she is excited about the potential of having a different administration in the U.S. That caught my ear a little bit. I am trying to figure it out.

Could the member comment on why he thinks that the U.S. would change its perspective on the importance of not engaging Huawei?

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:10 p.m.

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

Madam Speaker, that is an excellent question.

Unfortunately, I am not in the oval office and I cannot speak for the new President of the United States. I would have been pleased to do so, but I do not want to think or speak for him.

However, I can say that my nine-year-old daughter was born in the United States and that she is a U.S. citizen. In a few years, she will be running for office in the U.S. because she told me so.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:10 p.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the President of the Queen’s Privy Council for Canada and to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Madam Speaker, the complications of the relationship between Canada and China are dealt with in a number of different ways. A multitude of ministers, from the Prime Ministerto several other cabinet ministers, deal with them. A number of standing committees also deal with them, and I believe we are moving forward. My concern, as has been expressed and we tried to address, is to get the official opposition to recognize that, while the principle of what is being talked about within the motion is good, the issue is why there is a fixation on a specific date.

Could the member provide his thoughts on how that takes away from the motion itself?

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:10 p.m.

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

Madam Speaker, the member opposite and I rarely agree on anything, but I do agree with him on this.

I think setting a date like that is arbitrary. It could prevent us from going further. Committees have been set up, and our Conservative colleagues are on those committees. They want to go further and make real change happen. As parliamentarians, it is our duty to make real change, not to do things just for partisan reasons. Above all, we have to represent our constituents. They are the people we should always be working for. We should constantly be asking ourselves who we work for.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

It being 5:15 p.m., it is my duty to interrupt the proceedings and put forthwith every question necessary to dispose of the business of supply.

The question is as follows:

Shall I dispense?

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

If a member of a recognized party present in the House wishes to request a recorded division or that the motion be adopted on division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.

The hon. member for Edmonton Centre.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

November 17th, 2020 / 5:15 p.m.

Conservative

James Cumming Conservative Edmonton Centre, AB

Madam Speaker, I request a recorded division.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

Pursuant to order made on Wednesday, September 23, 2020, the recorded division stands deferred until Wednesday, November 18, at the expiry of the time provided for Oral Questions.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, I suspect if you were to canvass the House you might find unanimous consent to call it 5:30 p.m. at this time so we could begin private members' hour.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

Does the hon. member have unanimous consent to see the clock at 5:30 p.m.?

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

Opposition Motion—Foreign Policy Toward ChinaBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

It being 5:30 p.m., the House will now proceed to the consideration of private members' business, as listed on today's Order Paper.

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

Cheryl Gallant Conservative Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, ON

moved that Bill C-222, An Act to amend the Expropriation Act (protection of private property), be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Madam Speaker, as the member of Parliament for Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, I am honoured to rise today to discuss my private member's bill, Bill C-222, an act to amend the Expropriation Act with respect to the protection of private property.

We acknowledge that Parliament is on Algonquin Anishinabe territory, which is subject to an ongoing land claim process.

I am pleased to recognize that the current movement to protect private property landowners' rights in Ontario started in my riding of Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke. I owe a debt of gratitude to the Renfrew County Private Landowners Association, the Renfrew Landowners Association, and the North Renfrew United Landowners chapters of the Ontario Landowners Association. I thank them for keeping me so well informed on issues of importance to landowners.

There has been a disturbing trend in Canada toward what is referred to as regulatory, de facto or constructive taking of private property. This happens when a government uses its statutory powers to regulate or restrict the property rights of an owner without acquiring the title of the land being adversely affected. The landowner feels the impact of the regulation as though the land had been expropriated.

In the United States, the fifth amendment of the American constitution protects private property rights. In Canada, a government acquisition of land without owners' consent is not subject to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Private property rights were excluded from the Canadian Constitution when it was repatriated in 1982.

Bill C-222 is concerned with expropriations under federal jurisdiction. At all levels, governments require the power to expropriate private land. Expropriation laws set out a clear step-by-step process to resolve conflicts between private real property rights and the public's need for that same land.

Peter Bowal and Rohan Somers, in “Expropriating Land: A Balancing Act”, wrote:

Governments [should] want to limit expropriations, and approach them carefully and sensitively so as not to be perceived as being unfair or abusive in any way.... [I]n the...majority of cases [that follow the common law], there are...collaborative...negotiations and offers on the part of the public authority behind the scenes in an expropriation. Accordingly, the strict formal steps in the process, including a public hearing, are rarely needed. By far, most expropriations...[are] satisfactory, [with] resolutions on both sides when they are negotiated in good faith in the shadow of the legislative framework.

I will quote Elizabeth Brubaker of Environment Probe, who wrote, “The courts’ long history of strictly construing statutes means that simple legislative changes — in particular, those more clearly defining public purpose — [are] effective in limiting governments’ discretion over expropriation.” Bill C-222 is such a proposal.

In Canada, landowners' rights are found in the expropriation legislation. The government must follow the law as to what land may be expropriated and must observe procedures set out in the legislation. In Canada, the government can strictly regulate land, limiting its value and what a landowner can and cannot do without triggering the procedures in the legislation. That is why it is time to modernize the Expropriation Act.

I introduced Bill C-222 to provide some protections from the government's taking of people's property without notice, a hearing or fair compensation. Private property is defined as property “...over which the owner has exclusive and absolute rights...”. Private property is different from public property. Public property is defined as “state- or community-owned property not restricted to any one individual's use or possession.”

The federal government has the authority to expropriate such property under the act, specifically provincial lands.

By explicitly limiting its scope to private property, the proposed exception in Bill C-222 would allow the federal government to expropriate public property, including provincial lands, for a public purpose that solely relates to the restoration of historical natural habitat or climate variability.

Concerns about climate change must not be used as a cover to confiscate value from private property. Agricultural producers in particular should not be required to subsidize someone else’s environmentalism without compensation. The same must be said for all private property owners.

It would appear that the recently signed Canada-U.S.-Mexico agreement on trade addresses the issues raised by my private member's bill, Bill C-222. As a result of signing this trade agreement, it would appear foreign investors in Canadian property are afforded more protection than Canadian owners of Canadian property.

The source of this incoherence is article 1110 of the North American Free Trade Agreement, NAFTA, which has been carried over into CUSMA under article 14.8 on expropriation and compensation. Article 14.8 in the new agreement provides:

1. No Party shall expropriate or nationalize a covered investment either directly or indirectly through measures equivalent to expropriation or nationalization (expropriation), except: (a) for a public purpose; (b) in a non-discriminatory manner; (c) on payment of prompt, adequate, and effective compensation in accordance with paragraphs 2, 3, and 4; and (d) in accordance with due process of law.

2. Compensation shall: (a) be paid without delay; (b) be equivalent to the fair market value of the expropriated investment immediately before the expropriation took place (the date of expropriation); (c) not reflect any change in value occurring because the intended expropriation had become known earlier; and (d) be fully realizable and freely transferable.

3. If the fair market value is denominated in a freely usable currency, the compensation paid shall be no less than the fair market value on the date of expropriation, plus interest at a commercially reasonable rate for that currency, accrued from the date of expropriation until the date of payment.

4. If the fair market value is denominated in a currency that is not freely usable, the compensation paid – converted into the currency of payment at the market rate of exchange prevailing on the date of payment – shall be no less than: (a) the fair market value on the date of expropriation, converted into a freely usable currency at the market rate of exchange prevailing on that date; plus (b) interest, at a commercially reasonable rate for that freely usable currency, accrued from the date of expropriation until the date of payment.

5. For greater certainty, whether an action or series of actions by a Party constitutes an expropriation shall be determined in accordance with paragraph 1 of this Article and Annex 14-B (Expropriation).

The language here was rolled over from the 1992 NAFTA and it refers to the indirect nationalizing or expropriating of a measure as being tantamount to nationalization or expropriation. The language clearly exists to ensure that compensation will be owed for both de jure and de facto expropriation by the expropriating country.

The scope of article 14.8 is indeed wide. “Measure” includes any law, regulation, procedure, requirement or practice, and the definition of “investment” is expansive. James Beaton, writing in Expropriation without Compensation, states, “Moreover, there is no allowance, as there is in Canadian common law, for express statutory language to extinguish the right of compensation.”

How the previous NAFTA article 1110 has been treated in arbitration among the parties of NAFTA, Canada, the United States and Mexico, has, or at least should have, bearing on expropriation law in Canada generally.

This is particularly so given NAFTA's, now CUSMA's, constitution-like status as a document that cannot be amended without the consent of all signatories. Expropriation in NAFTA, and now CUSMA, includes not only the open, deliberate and acknowledged takings of property but also the covert or incidental interference with the use of property that has the effect of depriving the owner, in whole or in significant part, of the use or reasonably to be expected economic benefit of the property.

With the ratification of CUSMA, where that leaves expropriation law and Canadian property rights in the future is uncertain. CUSMA is not the only international agreement signed by Canada where foreigners are afforded more private property protections than Canadians.

This is from the “Lake Ontario-St. Lawrence River Plan 2014: Protecting against extreme water levels, restoring wetlands and preparing for climate change”, which was signed by president-elect Joe Biden in 2016 when he was Obama’s VP and the current government:

The Lake Ontario-St. Lawrence River Study concluded that an estimated 25,000 privately owned riparian properties are located on Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence River upstream of the Moses-Saunders Dam. More than 3,000 shoreline property parcels are located below elevation 76.2 m...and could be at risk of flooding on Lake Ontario and the upper St. Lawrence River.

...The restoration of more natural water level regimes in Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence River is not a traditional wetland restoration project, which typically includes harvesting and planting, physical transformations of the wetlands, or cleanup of pollutants.

The federal government, in addition to being fully aware that plan 2014 was intended to flood residential properties, has obligations in accordance with the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909, article VIII:

...interests on either side of the International Boundary which are injured by reason of the construction, maintenance and operation of the works shall be given suitable and adequate protection and indemnity in accordance with the laws in Canada or the Constitution and laws in the United States respectively....

While flood victims in the United States are being offered compensation for properties confiscated by flooding as a result of government policy, Canadian flood victims have yet to see any recognition of their losses. The time has clearly come to give equal, if not more, protections in the law to Canadians than what is now given to foreigners in Canada.

In a recent United Nations study, countries with stronger property rights were more economically advanced. It is time to modernize expropriation law in Canada to be consistent with international law.

In conclusion, the ownership of private property is not constitutionally protected in Canada. The Crown can take private land for the public good. It is a general principle of expropriation law that the Crown must compensate landowners when it takes their land. In reality, this does not always occur when the expropriation occurs outside a legislative framework.

Bill C-222 would clarify that restoring natural habitat and addressing the consequences of climate variability do not constitute special circumstances. Bill C-222 recognizes expropriation may be desired for these purposes, but that due process must be followed and private landowners should not be forced to give up their land without notice, without a hearing and without fair compensation. Flooded properties due to government policy should be treated like an expropriation. This would trigger the legal process for compensation contained in the Expropriation Act.

I welcome a vigorous discussion regarding Bill C-222.

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:30 p.m.

Gatineau Québec

Liberal

Steven MacKinnon LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Public Services and Procurement

Madam Speaker, the hon. member knows the policy of the Government of Canada is to always hold hearings. Hearings have always taken place in the context of expropriations. Willing buyer and willing seller is the policy of the Government of Canada, and expropriation of course is always a last resort. Those to whom she seeks to appeal should be well aware of the fact that expropriation is always the last resort of the Government of Canada.

However, I have a specific question for the member. She stated on her website that the bill seeks to amend the Expropriation Act to amend private property protections for Canadians and that it would set out exceptions that seek to “remove some uncertainty from the existing legislation as to whether owners must be compensated for certain types of de facto takings.”

To be clear, the bill would not accomplish this goal. Why does the member pretend the bill would accomplish a goal that it would not?

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:30 p.m.

Conservative

Cheryl Gallant Conservative Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, ON

Madam Speaker, there are two types of expropriation, as the hon. member alluded to, de jure and de facto expropriation. My private member's bill is focused on the first type.

The private member's bill would clarify that restoring natural habitat and addressing the consequences of climate change do not constitute a special circumstance, and thus would be brought through that specific identification into the legislative framework and be a basis upon which the affected landowners could take it to court.

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:30 p.m.

Bloc

Sébastien Lemire Bloc Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC

Madam Speaker, Bill C-222 is a rather odd bill. In our opinion, all it does is deny that climate change can lead to disasters that require emergency action.

Accordingly, if Bill C-222 is passed, the government could never invoke the emergency of the expropriation for the purposes of restoring a former natural habitat or the direct or indirect management and variability of the climate.

Expropriation comes from the Latin ex proprium, which means dispossess or deprive of property ownership. Unlike in the United States, the right to property is not enshrined in the Canadian Constitution, as the hon. member noted. However, in Quebec, that right is protected by law.

The Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms stipulates that, “Every person has a right to the peaceful enjoyment and free disposition of his property, except to the extent provided by law.” What is more, the civil code stipulates that, “No owner may be compelled to transfer his ownership except by expropriation according to law for public utility and in return for a just and prior indemnity.”

Does the hon. member understand the difference between the civil code that is applied in Quebec and common law?

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:35 p.m.

Conservative

Cheryl Gallant Conservative Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, ON

Madam Speaker, first of all, I would like to make sure that the hon. member interprets my proposed legislation correctly. The bill, by clarifying that climate variability is not a special circumstance under which the government can declare an expropriation, specifically would put it into legislation and confirm that it exists.

Second, it is interesting that the member mentions expropriation in Quebec, because I understand that, in the city of Montreal, letters are going out to certain property owners asking them to sign away the title to their land. It makes it sound something like business as usual, but if they sign this letter or get tricked into signing these forms, they relinquish their title to this land. Therefore, it is a different type of expropriation wherein, again, the government is not paying compensation to the landowner but rather tricking the property owner into giving title to the municipality.

Expropriation ActPrivate Members' Business

5:35 p.m.

NDP

Matthew Green NDP Hamilton Centre, ON

Madam Speaker, we heard the hon. member speak at length about property law and the dispossession of land. I would like to have her comment on the original expropriation by the Crown, which is the Crown's dispossession of land from first nations people and, in particular, the ongoing case that is happening today with the Haldimand tract under the proclamation of 1784 from the Haudenosaunee people.

I wonder if the member might comment on the ongoing dispossession of land by the Crown from indigenous peoples across these lands. She mentioned it in her opening remarks, but she never clearly defined it.