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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament September 2007, as Bloc MP for Roberval—Lac-Saint-Jean (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 45% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply December 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, if the contents of the bill we are debating were so clear, so good and so beneficial for Quebec, why did they do this during the night? Why, until now, has it been withheld from all the newspapers, MPs and Quebec? Why, if it is so clear and so good?

We know the government. It has a habit of flaunting its bills everywhere and telling people how wonderfully it is looking after Canada. Members opposite are not shy. But now we have this bill which nobody knew anything about. Without any advance warning, it was sprung on us.

The fact of the matter is that this bill poses an indescribable threat to Quebec. The government will have to submit the referendum question to all of Canada's provinces and territories. Only after all these opinions are in will the federal government decide whether or not the question is clear.

Let there be no mistake, responsibility for the clarity of the question rests with Quebec.

Supply December 10th, 1999

Sorry, 49.4%. The result of the constitutional efforts of the Prime Minister is that in Quebec more and more Quebecers have understood that their future lies in sovereignty and not in this country.

The government wants to settle things for good. Since the sovereignists are democratically creating a country for themselves because of the repeated constitutional mistakes of this government and this Prime Minister, the government is going to see to it that this is no longer possible.

On the pretext of clarity, the great minister of constitutional affairs, the great implementer of the Prime Minister's handiwork, wants to clarify Quebec's right to self-determination. He wants to clarify the majority. On these pretexts, they are setting up barriers likely to make it impossible, to all intents and purposes, by setting all sorts of undefined considerations. They are hanging swords of Damocles over the head of Quebec.

The feeling is that the federal government wants to make sure Quebec cannot democratically overcome all these obstacles. This is where we are at. Because 1982 was a mistake, because 1982 was an injustice, because Quebecers want to run their own country, those on the other side want to stop them. We will not let that happen. We give them notice of that.

Supply December 10th, 1999

The difference between today and 1982, when this same Prime Minister was the enforcer of the previous Liberal government to unilaterally patriate the constitution, is that, at the time, Quebec was represented by 74 members of the Liberal Party of Canada in this House. Indeed, Quebec was represented by one Conservative and 74 members of the Liberal Party of Canada.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau had justified Quebec's support for the patriation of the Cthey are going to constitution by saying that the duly elected representatives of Quebec agreed with him. He could therefore proceed. And we were to think that Quebec had been well treated and well served.

History has judged the Prime Minister of the time and the current Prime Minister. Since 1982 in Quebec, no premier— federalist or sovereignist—has dared put his signature to the constitution, which no one in Quebec accepts.

I have news for the current Prime Minister and the government in place: there will never be another 1982.

Never again will the majority of the members representing Quebecers in this House support what this government is up to. Never again will the members representing the majority of the ridings in Quebec, the members of the Bloc Quebecois, people who have something in their heart, allow the government to try to take away from the national assembly even a single ounce of responsibility, a single ounce of power to determine the future of the people of Quebec.

I would give the government notice that there are other opposition parties in this House. I can hardly wait to see how the Conservative Party members from Quebec, who have some respect for the right of the people of Quebec to decide their future—for instance, the member for Chicoutimi, in the sovereignist region of Saguenay—Lac-Saint-Jean—will vote on this bill. I can hardly wait to see how the Conservatives will vote. I believe they will not stoop to the same level as the Government of Canada.

We can hardly wait, we the members of the Bloc Quebecois and the people of Quebec, to see how the Liberal members from Quebec representing Quebec ridings in the House of Commons are going to behave.

If she had to choose between Quebec and a limousine, is the President of the Treasury Board going to choose the limousine? Is the Secretary of State for Amateur Sport going to opt for satisfying his craving for a limo instead of for Quebec? We shall see.

Which is the Minister of Finance, a man who is constantly letting it be seen that he has a sort of sympathy for the people of Quebec, going to choose: the race for leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada or Quebec? We shall see.

What about the newly promoted Minister of Revenue, in his portfolio for only a few months, another with a limousine, which is he going to choose, the citizens of Outremont in Quebec or his limo? We shall soon see.

What we are seeing today is that the chickens are coming home to roost. In 1982—and hon. members would be wise to listen, for it may improve their knowledge of the reality of Quebec—this Prime Minister committed an extremely serious error in political strategy. All of his government knows this.

Since 1982, the federal government has been dragging along, like a ball and chain, a constitution that has never been accepted by one whole founding people, by one whole province, one of the most important provinces, one that was there from the beginnings of Canada, that was the place where European life in North America began. That province is part of the constitution of Canada solely by obligation; we never signed it. This error committed by the Prime Minister is what we want to correct today.

In 1981, there was 40% support for Quebec sovereignty. Then came the patriation of the constitution, the fruit of the labours of this wonderful Liberal government. In 1995, support went up to 49.6%. I remember having discussed this with eminent colleagues just before the 1995 referendum. Do you know what they told us? “The polls are giving you 35%; and so that is that, sovereignists, that is the last we will hear of you”. If my memory serves me, we got 49.6%.

Supply December 10th, 1999

Everything changed. That was the end of parliamentary trust, the end of respect among individuals, the end of respect for the word given. The case of Quebec was settled the way things usually are, here in Ottawa. The deed was done during the night.

To better understand such an inappropriate—to use a parliamentary expression—process, let me quote an editorial published on Wednesday, November 22, 1972, in the daily Montréal Matin . The journalist was referring to the current Prime Minister, who was then the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.

The interview was given to CTV, on November 19, 1972. A copy of the transcript was available. The journalist, Clément Brown, quoted the Prime Minister talking about the parc de la Mauricie. I would appreciate it if members opposite would listen. I would like all Quebecers to hear it, because it will be a sad reminder of who we are talking here. The editorial quoted the current Prime Minister as saying “I used that park to break the back of the Quebec government and, believe me, I am proud of that”.

These are the words of the then Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, now the Prime Minister and member for Shawinigan.

Supply December 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in the debate on supply, because we should in this period be looking at the government's approach to management.

We should be talking about agriculture today. We want to talk about it, but the government is turning its attention elsewhere, as is its habit, instead of dealing with the real problems confronting it daily. Since 1993, the government has done everything except look after the problems put to it.

Today the government is disturbing this allotted day on agriculture with the introduction, as a total surprise and in a sneaky and unusual way, of a bill that has nothing at all to do with economic difficulties, nothing to do with the way this country is being governed, but that instead pits the House of Commons of Canada against the National Assembly of Quebec.

Hon. members will understand that I, like my Conservative colleague who made the motion, cannot help but address that issue in the context of this debate.

Generally, the way the House of Commons operates is that the House leaders of all parties reach agreement in a civilized and correct manner, respectful of the rights of each, of the standing orders, of tradition, habits and parliamentary good faith. It is our habit here to reach agreement and to ensure that the business is properly organized. We have some idea of what is coming and the government has some idea of the kind of fight, the kind of opposition it will get from us on each bill. There is nothing really secret in all of this, with the exception of a few surprises like the one we had this week about the vote, but nothing more than that.

Things are clear and the business of the House is based on mutual respect, confidence, honesty and clarity. That is how things are generally done in this House.

In the past few days, however, based on certain things leaked to the press, we were expecting the government to introduce a bill that, more than ever before, places the House of Commons and the members of this House in the position of having to make decisions that will restrict the powers of Quebec's national assembly.

Not only is this government not content with ignoring the constitutional responsibilities of each level of government but now, when it comes to something that has never been challenged by anyone, that the history books accept as a given—Quebec's right to decide its own future—the government has decided to get involved.

Oddly enough, the entire process has been changed for the introduction of this bill. Gone were any notice, clarity, trust or honesty. The whole thing was done during the night. The night was what it was, and I challenge the members opposite to say otherwise.

Yesterday evening, after the dinner hour, I myself checked with the government and the House whether it was indeed true that a fast one would not again be pulled on Quebec, whether a bill that might limit the rights of the national assembly would not be introduced. The answer yesterday evening at 7 p.m. was “Never, there is no question of it”.

When I give someone my word, they can believe it, and I expect to be able to do likewise. I have always thought that honesty and frankness took precedence over any parliamentary strategies.

On a certain night in November of 1981, a plot was hatched behind Quebec's back, in the kitchens of the Chateau Laurier here in Ottawa, to patriate the constitution. That was what happened. It has been described as the “night of the long knives”. On many occasions, the present Prime Minister has claimed never to have had anything to do with the “night of the long knives” and with what the history books will call the “night of the long knives” with respect to Quebec.

Last night, between 7 p.m. and 7 a.m., there was a “night of the long knives”.

Referendums December 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, it is proper procedure. I want to remind the government House leader that, up until yesterday evening, his office was confirming to mine that there was no question of a bill like this.

That was the government's position at 7 p.m. yesterday evening. At 7 a.m. this morning, Quebec is betrayed. That is what has happened.

Referendums December 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, according to the President of the Treasury Board, the Minister of Finance and the Prime Minister, this is marvellous legislation for Quebec.

That being the case, how does the government explain to us and those listening that there was no agreement between the parliamentary leaders as is normally the case, that everything was kept secret, and that the government position changed overnight? This morning we have a surprise tabling. The bill was put together overnight.

If it is a good bill, why is the procedure so different from what is usually done? Why is this taking place behind the curtains, in the shadows, under cover of night?

Minister Of International Trade November 30th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, let us be serious here for a minute. We are talking about very serious allegations made in a formal complaint, which is now before the Commissioner of Canada Elections.

My question is: What is the new level beyond which a minister can no longer sit in cabinet? Do we have to wait until the minister is found guilty, or is a simple complaint with serious allegations enough to have him temporarily removed from cabinet, as has always been the case under such circumstances?

Minister Of International Trade November 30th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, in the case of Marcel Masse, in 1985, services provided by the firm Lavallin had not been included in the election expenses. Minister Masse claimed he was innocent and he was indeed found not guilty.

In the case before us, someone is accusing the Minister for International Trade of having received services that were not recorded. A complaint has been filed. The situation is exactly the same; the minister claims he is innocent.

Why should, in this case, the minister not be required to resign when, under the ethics rules of the previous government, Marcel Masse had to resign?

Referendums November 25th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, this week the minister gave the members of this House a lesson, saying that it was wrong to mix apples and oranges. I wonder what he is doing when he talks of municipal referendums.>

Will the minister not acknowledge that the purely academic debate over a theoretical percentage, which he wants to be different from the way things are, is a desperate measure to come up with a way to avoid the constitutional obligation to negotiate the Supreme Court of Canada set for the government?