House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was justice.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Conservative MP for Calgary Northeast (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 65% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canada Labour Code February 19th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I was interested in the member's comments. I would like his opinion on a couple of points that have not been addressed in a thorough manner. They deal with the old board with a new name.

This board has a fair amount of power and yet does not seem to have an opportunity for any kind of recourse for a decision that it may make, regardless of how it may impact on either of the parties. In other words, there is no appeal, for the most part.

First of all, with the power granted to this board it can certify a union, for one thing, without the consent of the majority of the employees. I am curious about the member's opinion on that point.

The CIRB can also order an employer to release to the union the names and addresses of off site employees, which again can be done without employee consent. Again, there is a fair amount of power associated with that kind of decision making. I am wondering what the member thinks of that.

Another point has always been a concern here, especially so since the Liberal government has a tendency to really love these quasi-judicial bodies. They can make decisions and the minister can stand up in the House and say “I cannot do anything about that. That is a quasi-judicial body and I cannot interfere with any decisions it makes”. And there are lots of them over there.

It takes away the responsibility of the minister in dealing with the issue at hand. In other words, he is no longer accountable. I see the same kind of events taking place here with this new labour relations board.

When the board makes a decision, its intents and purposes are supposed to be final. Although the federal court says it will allow for a review of the board's decision, there is no provision allowing this senior judicial body to set aside the board's decisions even if they were legal errors or if the case was handled in an unreasonable way. What is the recourse that an employer would have? What is the recourse even that an employee or group of employees would have?

Canada Labour Code February 19th, 1998

You haven't done yours.

Canada Labour Code February 19th, 1998

It does not.

Canada Labour Code February 19th, 1998

So what if he is from Manitoba, that is an agricultural province is it not? He is not speaking on behalf of the farmers, nor does he even understand the losses that farmers have obtained through these kinds of foolish antics where the unions have tied up grain movement across the western provinces to the port of Vancouver.

How is the member, and the members across the way who formulated this legislation, going to see that the interests of the farmers are being paid attention to?

Canada Labour Code February 19th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I find the member from Winnipeg and his comments rather alarming in the sense that he is from an agricultural province and he sure does not understand the system when it comes to the unions and how they can tie up grain as it moves across the country.

I have a couple of questions. One specific question I would like to ask the member is if the brotherhood of electrical workers decides to go on strike and the other unions, the maintenance of way, the Canadian Auto Workers, the stevadores who may load the ship, and the grain handlers do not, does he think for one minute that any of those other unions are not going to cross the picket line in support of their brothers?

I find it rather alarming that he would even suggest to this House and to those who are listening that the unions are not that tightly bound and that this legislation does not solve that problem.

Being that the member is from an agricultural province, I can be certain about one thing, he knows absolutely nothing about grain handling.

Canadian Armed Forces February 12th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, it is fairly probable that the minister does not know what is going on in his own department.

This document goes on to say:

Although [detection] systems are in place in the Canadian forces, these are not sufficiently responsive to permit the donning of protective equipment or [to] adopt protective postures which would significantly reduce casualties.

Adequate equipment is not expected until the year 2000.

How will our sailors know if they have been exposed to biological or chemical warfare agents? Is he hoping that the wind will always blow the other way?

Canadian Armed Forces February 12th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, in 1996 CTV news exposed the Canadian forces vulnerability to chemical and germ warfare.

An access to information document confirms this and I quote from that document:

The Canadian forces lacks automated chemical and biological detectors. The absence of such capability would result in mass numbers of casualties should there be a direct attack or be located downwind.

This minister has had two years to correct the situation. How dare he send our sailors into harm's way without adequate protection.

Iraq February 11th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the HMCS

Toronto

has been serving for some time off the coast of Spain in the Mediterranean. It has now been directed to contribute to the coalition forces in the gulf. The two theatres pose very different threats to the sailors aboard the ship.

I again ask the minister, is the

Toronto

currently equipped to deal with the threat it will now face? Is the crew properly trained in chemical and biological countermeasures?

Iraq February 11th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, Saddam Hussein has not hesitated in the past to use chemical and biological weapons against his own people and also his neighbours. In common language he is a thug and he will not hesitate to use such tactics against the coalition forces.

Since Canada is sending approximately 300 Canadian forces personnel into the region, will the defence minister inform Canadians and in particular the families of our troops that our forces are adequately equipped in the event of a chemical and biological threat?

Middle East February 9th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my support for a strong and determined effort to force Saddam Hussein to comply with the United Nations security council resolutions.

It is my hope that diplomatic efforts will bring about a resolution to this crisis first. However, if diplomacy fails, Canada has a moral obligation to support her allies in a military strike against Saddam Hussein.

I have listened to the dissertations of many in this House over the course of the evening. The one that particularly comes to mind is that presented by the member for Vancouver East, an NDP member, who really felt it was inappropriate to give support to this particular motion and to give support to our allies, the United States and the United Kingdom, in their efforts to enforce this resolution.

This world is becoming a more dangerous place. If you look at the events that are taking place throughout the world, it is clear that, one by one, conflicts are being added to conflicts as each year goes by.

I can recall a recent conversation with ex-military personnel who brought certain points to my attention about conflict areas in this world. It is incumbent upon those who are not the creators of these conflicts to stand firm, to be prepared and to assist those who may have a need against some aggressor.

The NDP member felt that there should be no action taken. I would like the NDP member for Vancouver East to talk to her colleague from Saskatoon—Rosetown—Biggar who was assaulted at one point in time while walking home innocently along a street here in Ottawa.

There is a need to check the aggression of some individuals in this country, in this community, and certainly in the world. I think of the need for a good, efficient, well-armed police department to be able to handle every affair that comes along that may threaten or jeopardize the peace. That also applies to a well-equipped military to deal with those offenders, if you will, of international peace.

I believe that is where Canada should play a part with our allies to check the aggression of some of those on an international level that will choose to inflict their will upon someone else. I believe Canada has a moral obligation to do that, that we must lend military support as well as political support, that we must put an end, with our allies, to terrorism internationally.

There is no question that our government has a responsibility to be clear with all Canadians on the status of this situation before us. It calls for assistance from our allies. I know to date this government has not made that commitment to action in Iraq and is still contemplating that matter. I think it is important that the Canadian government stand up and voice its support to take action against Saddam Hussein.

I recall from the 1991 situation where Canada stood behind our NATO allies to approach that conflict in an aggressive manner. Saddam Hussein had to be stopped. I recall that there were many within the Arab community in our country who had concerns about that, that there seemed to be this effort on the part of Canada supporting the United States which was supporting Israel. That is not what it is all about. It is about an aggressor who is trying to inflict his will upon someone else uninvited.

I think that to our Arab friends it should be made clear why Canada supported the U.S. and other NATO countries in attacking Saddam Hussein. It can only be answered because it is Canada's moral obligation to do so, to rid the world of a threat to world peace.

Second, I think it is important for those who are from the region who immigrated to Canada to understand that action taken against a man like Saddam Hussein is not an intent to punish those in the region or even in Iraq, but to target a despot who is attempting to disrupt peace. Saddam Hussein has made no effort in sparing even his own people in strong action, in violating their rights as human beings and even destroying them.

Again, I am encouraging the Liberal government to take a strong position. I know it will be deliberating this evening and tomorrow over this matter. I think it is incumbent upon all of us to offer our opinions as it has requested and our support.

It is interesting to note that the British government had this debate some weeks ago. It was very clear in my reading of the Hansard responses to the Iraqi situation upon viewing the UN report about the accumulation of various weapons that Saddam Hussein had been engaged in. The government came out very clear on the position that it was going to take. It opened itself up to questions. It sought a very legitimate line of questioning from all the opposition parties.

I know the government side here has chosen not to do that. Be that as it may, I think this does spell out a much greater openness. It offers greater support in a very timely fashion. It certainly allays the fears of those who may have questions that are unanswered in this debate. The British cabinet went through its procedure and opened up the matter. It was on the public record.

From the very beginning, in spite of the fact that the British government had deployed some of its troops, one aircraft carrier into the gulf and one on its way, it still supported diplomatic resolution to the crisis. That is important.

I believe it is necessary for Canada to involve itself with the United States and the United Kingdom as a show of support. I believe Germany is also onside now. Saddam Hussein will have to think twice if he intends to obstruct those who are on the UN inspection team. He will have to think twice and open his door again. I think that is the intent of this unified effort.

It must also be clear to Saddam Hussein that if he rejects the request by our allies, then strong action will be taken. For the most part it is much easier to convince a dictator to comply if you have an aircraft carrier sitting off the coast and the threat is immediate.

I know that we have an opportunity to deploy our military in support. I believe from my examination of the military, and I am not saying I am an expert, we have very well equipped troops in some areas. I believe those troops should be offered. I am sure when the government makes its decision it will do so in that support. I am trusting that will happen.

Let us deal with the argument that we have been asked to bow to every American whim. It has been raised a couple of times, once on the government side and once or twice over here. Proponents of this view argue that President Clinton is simply trying to deflect attention from his own domestic troubles.

This statement came up in debate in the British parliament. It became pretty clear that British parliamentarians would not buy that statement at all. Prime Minister Blair and the secretary of state clearly pointed out that the threat was immediate and against those in the region as well as anyone in Europe. Who was to say that some terrorist would not move weapons of mass destruction that can easily be transported into Great Britain?

That debate took place and the question was answered in this fashion. UN inspectors, which consisted of the British, the Americans and others, were prohibited by Saddam Hussein from inspecting sites that were believed to have certain agents which could possibly be used in chemical and biological warfare. That was the point. The threat was that Hussein may have been hiding other goods from the inspectors. It had nothing to do with Clinton's problems in the United States.

There are additional areas of support of the issue at hand, the threat that Saddam Hussein poses to the world. The nations are supporting not just the Americans but the enforcement of UN resolutions. These countries are standing up united against a terrorist.

The Reform Party was clear in its opposition to previous American requests for military support. When President Clinton asked our prime minister for military support in Haiti we opposed that. Why? It was because there was not a clear mandate. The rules of engagement were fuzzy. There was no plan for withdrawal. The troops are gone from there now. The situation is still rather desperate in that country. The leader of the official opposition clearly pointed out to the government side the need for a plan, the need for a definite mandate and definite control over what was happening.

We are not saying when the Americans say jump that everybody should jump. This situation is much different from the situation in Haiti. The threat is much greater. There is a need for a definite set of rules of engagement, a plan. This is one point that we as an opposition party would put to the government to ensure that it could relate that point back to the people of this country.

It is clear that our support for military action would not simply be in response to an American request. We would be joining the Americans, the British, the Germans and other allies in standing up against a terrorist aggressor. We support action when action is required. On this occasion action is required.

It is incumbent upon Canada to stand united against a dictator, against terrorism.

We must demonstrate to Saddam Hussein and all Saddam Husseins of the world that when the international community draws a line in the sand it is not simply being rhetorical. A clear concern, even by many south of the border, is that when we draw a line in the sand we mean it.

I do not think it would be in our best interest in the international community to be laughed at behind closed doors for drawing a line in the sand and running the other way or sitting on the fence. It should be clear that we will act if it is necessary.

Our military has a proud history of fighting for democracy and freedom. I have had the opportunity to travel with vets over to Europe and listen to their experiences, their dedication, their loyalty and their determination. I know that other members across the way have joined in such excursions. It is very moving to listen to veterans of the second world war and other theatres of action. It moves me as a citizen who has never been engaged in a war because they fought for freedom.

Throughout the country's history Canadian forces have demonstrated an extraordinary commitment to defending freedom. Whenever they were called upon our forces rose to the occasion with outstanding bravery and competence. Our forces did an outstanding job in the 1991 gulf war. They have since gained much experience in peacekeeping missions overseas. I think of the Bosnia matter where several thousand of our troops gained experience in that theatre. They served professionally and with much competence. We have much to be proud of through their actions.

Contrary to what our colleagues in the Conservative Party have suggested tonight, I have every confidence that members of our military will rise to the occasion. They know their limitations and they know what they can accomplish. They often have a habit of exceeding our expectations time after time. I believe this mission will be no exception.

In summary, we want to see a peaceful diplomatic resolution to this conflict. However, we have a moral obligation to stand united with our allies if necessary. We must not allow dictators to make a mockery of the international community. Our military is capable and prepared to act. Let us demonstrate to Saddam Hussein that we will not tolerate his terrorism.

United let us show that our support will be military as well as moral and political.