House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was police.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Conservative MP for Calgary Northeast (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 65% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, lobbying has been around for as long as politics has been around. To really stamp it out through legislation may be a very difficult thing.

One matter that must be brought forward on any deal, compensation package or transaction the government involves itself in with private industry is if it is all laid out on the table for it to be examined by the public and everyone knows exactly where they stand in any operational deal, one is going to avoid a lot of questionable activities. If it is protected and hidden behind closed doors, the lobbyists will be the most effective. Exposing it to light, of course, they are the least effective.

From that point of view I would like to see things certainly brought to the forefront when it comes to any kind of privatization deal in the future.

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, it is a good question as to the evaluation of costs. What do out of pocket costs or expenses mean if one is talking about repayment? I do not think I can evaluate that compensation package at this point. It would have to be exposed to the public and a clear examination done.

The hon. member mentioned something about a royal commission. I question whether a royal commission is necessarily the way to go. I certainly agree to an inquiry to have the package exposed to public scrutiny but not necessarily to a royal commission.

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this issue. I certainly appreciate the member's comments in opening up the matter quite clearly for all of us. I also hope this will peak the interest and raise the ire of Canadians across the country.

The privatization of Pearson airport and this government's hasty reversal of the privatization decision smacks of a political soap opera with very real consequences for the people involved, for Torontonians and for all Canadians. At this rate the soap opera will not have a happy ending.

The privatization of Pearson was a complex animal right from its conception. One of the reasons is that it was all done behind closed doors. It was a decision which grew more complex with, the passing of time and the ever increasing involvement of political players.

Now Bill C-22 comes along. It is not really a complex piece of legislation on the face of it. However the simplicity of its prose I am afraid masks what many believe is a complexity of intent on the part of the government.

Needless to say the Reform Party supports the cancellation of the privatization deal for Pearson, despite the fact that privatization of most if not all government industries would represent a great leap down the road to a new Canada. It is truly a shame the previous government and previous governing party was so mired in scandal and pork that it could put such a bad light in the minds of Canadians on this whole concept of privatization.

Of course Bill C-22 is no solution or remedy to the mess created by the former government. It just creates a new mess of its own. That is why it is imperative we scrap Bill C-22 by passing the motion of my colleagues in Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition and start from scratch to untangle this web of political intrigue, patronage and bad politics.

As we untangle this web we may find a new list of names along the way which played a prominent part in this whole episode. That I fear is the motivation in proposing carte blanche out of pocket compensation in Bill C-22, a bill that will not fix the Pearson problem but only make it go ever so quietly away.

I refer to the Pearson saga as a soap opera, but this soap opera has real players who have been genuinely hurt by this mess. As usual, the people who have the least to do with creating the problem are most likely to be hurt by it and least likely to be helped by the solution proposed by this government.

I refer to the residents of Toronto. They so very badly require Pearson to become a world class air terminal to serve a world class city. I refer to the men and women who would have done the work to modify Pearson. Those people were counting on jobs. I refer to all Canadians who whether they know it or not depend on Pearson, the most important hub airport in Canada, to keep business flying, to take Canadians efficiently to overseas trade destinations and to bring foreign traders in.

It is always the case that there is a ripple effect whenever a government makes a decision of any kind. This is precisely why government must learn to restrict itself, for it is inevitable that government when it acts will often disrupt the lives of people who have no stake in whatever particular project is undertaken.

Again, privatization is to be encouraged but when that privatization breaks down due to mismanagement and corruption, as it did in this case, then the reversal of that privatization must be undertaken with the greatest of care, even if it takes a bit of time.

That is not what happened here. This government wants to ram Bill C-22 down the collective throats of this House. It wants to ram Bill C-22 down the throats of Canadians. Whenever traditional government takes the decision to study something and issue a report, it is customary to expect that with the amount of time involved before bureaucrats get around to actually concluding something, so much dust will have settled and the pages turned so yellow with age that the problem will have evolved into something entirely different.

That was certainly the case for the last government and was also most certainly the case when this party was last in power. It is not in this case. I have become so sceptical about the workings of traditional politics that I cannot help but be suspicious that the sheer speed with which this government published its Nixon study and decided to allow for compensation reveals that this government has something to fear when it comes to leaving this issue on the table for too long.

The Pearson deal as it was struck needs to be revoked. Let us do that. Then, rather than granting the minister the power to dole out vast sums of money, somewhere in the neighbourhood of $30 million to $40 million for out of pocket expenses, a politically suspicious phrase if I have ever heard one, let us dig deeper into the issue to discover a couple of things. Number one, let us find out the degree to which the previous government bungled this deal.

A public inquiry, that is one dead horse that deserves to be beaten a bit more for fear that it may rise from the dead and trample once again on the political process in Canada. Let us take time to find out just how wide the web of political blunder has been woven. In particular, let us find out precisely the role of the lobbyists in this deal. Let us discover how many people have been needlessly and through no fault of their own adversely affected by the Pearson debacle in order that this government can provide restitution where restitution is due.

It is interesting to note the players who have come into being and whose party or whose companies and names have been published in other manuscripts. They should be examined closely. Let us use this as a case study in politics gone wrong so that it hopefully will never happen again.

We need to see just how much of a liability Pearson has been for the government. We know that a major liability has been incurred already and will grow if Bill C-22 is passed, especially with section 10.

Last, let us re-examine the privatization of Pearson to see just how to make it work. This time around I hope the government in power will exercise the political will and common sense wisdom necessary to bear in mind that political decisions like this affect more than just the political players involved. They affect everyone, the people who work at Pearson, the people who would rebuilt Pearson, and all Canadians who depend on Pearson in so many ways.

There is a valuable lesson to be learned from Pearson. By proposing Bill C-22 this government has proven to the Canadian people that they have learned nothing, especially with the compensation package. I hope that it will redeem itself by supporting the amendment to kill this bill, to stop the blind power of the minister to make huge repayments without accountability and by starting over.

If not, this government will have proved that narrow political interests are still at work controlling Ottawa and that the interests of hard working people have yet to be adequately represented by traditional political parties.

Immigration April 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my supplementary question is for the minister.

As he pointed out a week ago last Friday the minister stated that mandatory testing does not take place but if individuals exhibit traces of HIV they are asked to be tested and if HIV is found then most of these individuals are not permitted into the country.

How can the minister possibly know that most HIV positive immigrants do not get into Canada when his department does not even do the test? Just what is the situation here? How many immigrants are refused?

Immigration April 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

I brought to the attention of the House the fact that Canada does not require HIV testing of its applicants for immigration. The minister accused me of having faulty research but then amazingly proceeded to admit that Canada does not screen its immigrants for HIV.

This is double-talk. There is some question of exactly how many immigrants have come to Canada who are infected with HIV. Why test for communicable, infectious diseases like syphilis, hepatitis B, tuberculosis but not for HIV?

Immigration April 21st, 1994

Mr. Speaker, our refugee system is failing and the minister of immigration is doing nothing about it.

Our refugee determination system with its many levels and dangerous loopholes cannot distinguish genuine from illegitimate refugees. The UN estimates that 60 per cent of our refugees are bogus. Refugee claims are being heard in Canadian prisons. Thousands of real refugees are forced to languish in camps while economic migrants sneak in through the back door.

Through all this, lawyers win big. Canada spends more money on legal aid for immigrants than it gives to overseas refugee aid programs.

Despite the failure of our refugee system our minister of immigration travels abroad to teach European nations how to manage refugee policy. The minister refuses to sign a treaty with the U.S. that would stem the flow of bogus refugees.

I urge the minister to cancel his next European trip, quit trying to convince the U.S. to adopt our refugee policies and get to work in fixing our system.

Witness Protection Act April 20th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this particular issue and I am thankful to my colleague for having drafted this bill. I hope it succeeds.

Many areas of Canada's justice system need to be revamped. I believe here too regarding witnesses there is a need to restructure some of the existing programs. I believe a bill of this nature would certainly help do that.

As a former police officer who served for 22 years, I have seen more than my fair share of trials and certainly my share of witnesses. Unfortunately I have run into some situations where the safety of witnesses and informants and potential witnesses has been threatened, compromised by organized and ruthless thugs who know very well how to exploit fear to their advantage.

As a result of this experience I support this bill. I am confident that witness protection will be improved by uniformity of practice across the country. I hope in the future that my colleague and I will be able to work together to write more legislation that will help make Canada a much safer place.

I am quite frankly getting a little more discouraged at the fact that it is taking private members' bills as opposed to unified government action to cause changes to be made in the criminal justice system. Too often it is a private member along with our party, the Reform Party, that is interested in protecting the victims, the defence of witnesses and informants, the preservation of our peaceful way of life and swift justice for those who deserve it.

The last time I rose to speak to a bill dealing with a justice issue was on Bill C-8. It is a bill that will have the probable effect of taking power away from police officers. This government promises to regulate guns to such a degree that even lawful ownership by responsible people will be threatened.

The justice minister intends to regulate special rights for homosexuals. The chairman of the Standing Committee on Justice and Legal Affairs wants to get soft on murderers. There you have it: Disarm the people; take power away from the police; disrupt the family by giving all the privileges that are now accorded to married couples to homosexuals; and tap murderers on the wrist. If that is not a recipe for disaster, I do not know what is.

This government wants to make us totally incapable of self defence. It wants to limit the power of our police officers to defend us. It wants to contribute to the raising of a generation of dysfunctional youth by undermining the best system of justice preservation any society can have, the family.

It is no wonder we need witness protection legislation. The need for witness protection legislation begs the addressing of another issue. That is tough anti-gang and tough anti-organized crime legislation. As yet, and it is no real surprise, I have not seen any sign this government will be addressing those issues either.

One of the main threats to witnesses comes from gangs and organized crime. Fortunately this country has not been ravaged by gangs and crime rings to the degree our neighbour to the south has. However, with time and a vacuum of political will to get tough on crime, gangs will very well extract the same sort of toll on us as they have for years on the United States.

Incidents of witnesses who have been harassed either by an accused or by friends or family of an accused are not that frequent. Far more common is the terrorism people who come forward either as citizens or as repentant members of crime rings have to face before, during and after trial. This bill will help to make it easier to protect threatened witnesses.

There is so much more that could be and should be done. For instance we should be legislating harsher penalties for people who commit crimes as part of an organized crime ring. We should be cracking down on gangs before they get into our communities. We should be proactive in these areas.

While the legislation we are discussing today is a good piece of work, it is nonetheless a reaction to the symptom of a problem and not to the disease.

There is a disease in Canada. That disease is a growing lack of regard for the law and for public order. That disease has been allowed to spread and to contaminate more and more segments of our society. There are reasons for increased crime. There are reasons for a disregard of the law.

Canada has gone soft on crime. We are no longer doling out justice where it is deserved. We have become a nation of people claiming victim status. There has to come with that a subsequent decline of individual responsibility.

This government has been an accomplice in spreading the myth that somehow poverty or discrimination causes crime, that if Statistics Canada raises its arbitrary poverty rate then we will suddenly see a corresponding increase in the crime rate. That is nonsense.

Canada has become a nation committed to protected symbolic rights, arbitrary rights instead of basic common sense rights that everyone can relate to. Rather than protecting a person's right to have an income, a family, and a community that is unfettered by government taxation and regulation, we are protecting the rights of those who least deserve them.

We are attacking the family. We are burdening it with taxes so that parents cannot take care of their own. We are regulating how a family can raise its children. We are attacking its very definition by enlarging it so much that the word family becomes meaningless.

These things are leading to an increase in crime, an increase in lawlessness and a decline in the morality that has built this nation and has kept it so relatively free from crime over the generations.

It is tragic how we have mixed up our priorities. I think it is very tragic.

This government has a great opportunity to reverse the trend. Instead, the rhetoric of the government indicates that more of the same is coming. We can safely predict that rather than cutting crime and making Canada a safer place to live, the government's misguided and out of touch stand on justice issues will lead Canada further and further down the path of becoming the sort of society that none of us will want our children to live in.

It is a shame that only private members are producing legislation that makes sense. It is a shame that new and better witness protection legislation is necessary. The fact that my hon. colleague has felt the need to write this bill is a subtle sign of what is going wrong with Canada and our system. I only hope that his colleagues on the other side of the House will have the perceptiveness to pick up on this issue, listen to the common sense of the common people and take the correct steps to put Canada back on the right track.

I urge the support of the House for this bill.

Immigration April 15th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I do not think the Canadian people are going to be satisfied with that kind of an answer.

The minister has been aware for some time that HIV testing is not done. Not only that, but if an applicant admits being positive to HIV he or she still can be admitted to Canada. This is outrageous. Surely the minister cannot deny that HIV infected immigrants are a threat to our already overburdened health care system.

Does the minister have statistics on how many AIDS infected immigrants or refugees have been admitted to Canada to date?

Immigration April 15th, 1994

Yesterday, while the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration was busy briefing the press, some real news was revealed by his deputy minister. Apparently no HIV test is required as a part of the routine medical testing for immigration to Canada. This is despite the fact the Immigration Act reads that:

No person who is a danger to public health or who would create excessive demands on health services should be allowed into the country.

That is the law. Why is the minister's department not testing each and every immigration applicant for HIV and why are we letting these people into Canada?

Immigration April 13th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question was to determine the policy of the government and whether it was going to introduce racial or ethnic criteria.

Reformers welcome immigrants from all over the world. I ask the minister, in trying to attract more immigrants from Europe, is he suggesting that immigration from other parts of the world be curtailed or is he suggesting that the total immigration numbers be increased? It has to be one way or the other. Which is it?