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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was especially.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Conservative MP for Edmonton Strathcona (Alberta)

Lost his last election, in 2008, with 42% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Income Tax Conventions Implementation Act, 1997 November 28th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I rise on behalf of the official opposition to address Bill C-10, an act to implement the convention between Canada and Sweden, a convention between Canada and the Republic of Lithuania, a convention between Canada and the Republic of Kazakhstan, a convention between Canada and the Republic of Iceland and a convention between Canada and the Kingdom of Denmark for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and to amend the 1986 Canada-Netherlands Income Tax Convention Act and the Canada-U.S. Tax Convention Act of 1984.

I will be sharing my time with my hon. colleague, the insatiable snack-packer from Calgary West.

It is clear that the proposed conventions with Sweden, Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Iceland and Denmark are important tax treaties. Neither myself nor any member of the official opposition would argue that these conventions are in and of themselves bad fiscal policy.

The thought of unchecked tax duplication is enough to make any of us a little uneasy. Much of Bill C-10 concerns simple—

Senate Of Canada November 26th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, Albertans elected a senator in 1990, and it is not against the constitution, which we have the right to do.

We are sick of the Prime Minister appointing senators to an unelected, unaccountable, undemocratic haven of patronage.

How much longer will the Prime Minister disrespect the expressed wishes of Albertans?

Senate Of Canada November 26th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, last month when a Senate seat opened up in Alberta the Prime Minister angrily refused to allow Albertans the choice for who would represent them.

The premier of Alberta wanted an election, the Liberal leader in Alberta wanted an election, the people of Alberta wanted a senate election.

Why did the Prime Minister deliberately ignore the wishes of Albertans by appointing another senator for Alberta?

Supply November 25th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I commend my colleague from Broadview—Greenwood on his speech. I enjoyed it. We share many similar ideas and views.

One thing specifically pertains to the motion put forward today by the Reform Party and I would like to ask the member what he thinks specifically about it.

He talked about a greater government presence and a strengthening of government presence in Canada. We have an opportunity, especially from his point of view, to do that now in Quebec with the Calgary declaration. He talked about a product. Here is a chance for the Government of Canada to take a product to the people of Quebec, who will hopefully have a say like the rest of Canadians, and to bring the country together. Surely that is goal of all my colleagues and most members of the House.

What does the member have in mind on behalf of the government, as we suggested in the motion, in terms of taking the Calgary declaration to the people of Quebec? When should we do that or how should we do that?

Supply November 25th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I am encouraged by the comments and the question of my colleague from Broadview—Greenwood.

I would like to clarify that I am in favour of what he just mentioned and the fact that Canada is indivisible. I agree wholeheartedly with that private member's bill in the last parliament.

In this motion I tried to emphasize the importance of the Calgary declaration that is being considered right now as we speak. It is important for Canadians to take the time to participate in the process. It is a short process. Most provinces are winding up the process by mid-February.

Although I am in favour of what the member just put forward it is important, instead of clouding it up with other issues, to stick to the content of the Calgary declaration.

I encourage my constituents who may have the same concern to include it in their comments as they submit them to the provincial government. I thank the hon. member for his question.

Supply November 25th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I would like to clarify. I hope the member understands what I have addressed in the motion.

To address his question, I had a town hall meeting. I consulted a number of people in my riding on the issue. There are different feelings about the Calgary declaration. That is fine.

My colleagues in caucus and I have encouraged various people with different opinions on the Calgary declaration to actually communicate them to their provincial governments through this public consultation process. Once the public consultation process is over we will know exactly how the people of Canada feel about it. Then we as a political party can act on their feelings.

As the motion stands, we are only clarifying and encouraging Canadians to take part in what we feel is a very important part of the future of the country.

Supply November 25th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Dauphin—Swan River. I will repeat the motion so it is clear for all members of the House:

That this House recognize that strengthening the unity of Canada is its highest priority and given that nine provincial premiers and two territorial leaders have begun a process of consultation on national unity built on the Calgary declaration, this House:

  1. endorses the efforts of the premiers, the territorial leaders and grassroots Canadians to foster national unity;

  2. declares its support for the consultation process begun by the premiers and territorial leaders;

  3. urges Canadians to become involved in the consultation process and in particular to express their approval of, disapproval of, or suggested improvements to such principles as the equality of citizens and provinces, respect for diversity including the unique character of Quebec society, and the need for rebalancing the powers of the provincial and federal governments;

  4. urges the Government of Canada and members of this House to communicate with Quebeckers regarding the Calgary declaration, and to consult the people of Quebec on its contents; and

  5. regrets that the separatist government of Quebec has chosen not to participate in the discussion of national unity, and has refused to include Quebeckers in the consultation on the Calgary declaration.

In the first Oral Question Period, I asked the Prime Minister if he would be putting the Calgary Declaration to the people of Quebec. He said he might, and, quite honestly, I was satisfied with his response.

I understand it is not easy for the Prime Minister to stand up to Mr. Bouchard and his separatist acolytes. As the Prime Minister has spent his political career humouring and appeasing the separatists, he was displaying his exceptional leadership skills when he said he might put the Calgary Declaration to Quebeckers.

Two months have passed since the Prime Minister said in the early days of this Parliament that he would perhaps put the Calgary Declaration to the people of Quebec. I have remained patient only because I thought perhaps the Prime Minister needed time to discuss the idea with his advisors. I thought maybe he needed time to formulate a plan.

Did he put the time to good use? No. Instead of formulating a plan for submitting the Calgary Declaration to Quebeckers, he simply pretended it was not necessary to consult them. Why bother consulting the people of Quebec on the Calgary Declaration, when they already know what it is about and already support the constitutional proposal?

Why waste all that money holding public consultations in Quebec and risk displeasing the separatists, when you know already what Quebeckers think about the issue? That is the message the Prime Minister was sending to Canadians.

Finally, on October 3, the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs said in this House that the Calgary Declaration had support from British Columbia to Newfoundland. I found it strange when the Globe and Mail reported on September 29 that a public poll showed that Quebeckers did not even understand the Calgary declaration.

Quebeckers do not know whether or not the expression “unique character” means the same thing as “distinct society”. They are not sure whether the Calgary declaration would give them the same powers, fewer powers or more powers. Yet, according to the Hon. Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, Quebeckers strongly support the declaration.

I think it would be better to consult with the people of Quebec on this before stating that they support it. And the Quebeckers I spoke to agree with me.

On October 31, nearly a month after questioning the Prime Minister about public consultations, I asked him if he had any concrete plans for consultations in Quebec. The reply I got was that the government still had no plans in that respect. One month later, the government did not even have a plan.

At that time, all the provinces and territories, except Quebec, were conducting public consultations or in the process of planning and preparing for consultations. Only Quebec was not in on this, and the government was still dragging its feet.

I looked at the public consultation plans of the provinces and territories. In fact, members of the Reform Party actively encourage their constituents to participate in these consultations. We want Canadians to take charge of their country's future. I had hoped that the Prime Minister would want Quebeckers to do the same, but this seems to be the least of his worries.

Since I am a particularly persistent man, on November 19, I asked the Prime Minister again—for the third time—whether he would be putting the Calgary declaration to the people of Quebec and respecting their democratic right to participate in constitutional consultations which are likely to change the face of this country.

Here is what the Prime Minister replied: “We are not saying that we will not hold consultations in Quebec but at the same time we are not saying that we will”.

After nearly two months, the Prime Minister has nothing to say and Canadians are losing patience.

We must not let the Calgary declaration fail through negligence. If it does not capture the interest of Canadians, if it is incapable of defining and embodying the future values and visions of Canadians, it will have failed for good reason. But if it fails because the people of Quebec do not view it as a constitutional proposal that they have helped to forge and that reflects their desire for greater autonomy, then it will have failed because of the negligence of this government.

The people of Quebec deserve to be heard. I therefore urge the Prime Minister to set aside petty political considerations and to consult the people of Quebec without delay. I urge the Prime Minister and the Liberal caucus to support this motion.

Supply November 25th, 1997

moved:

That this House recognize that strengthening the unity of Canada is its highest priority and given that nine provincial premiers and two territorial leaders have begun a process of consultation on national unity built on the Calgary declaration, this House:

  1. endorses the efforts of the premiers, the territorial leaders and grassroots Canadians to foster national unity;

  2. declares its support for the consultation process begun by the premiers and territorial leaders;

  3. urges Canadians to become involved in the consultation process and in particular to express their approval of, disapproval of, or suggested improvements to such principles as the equality of citizens and provinces, respect for diversity including the unique character of Quebec society, and the need for rebalancing the powers of the provincial and federal governments;

  4. urges the Government of Canada and members of this House to communicate with Quebeckers regarding the Calgary declaration, and to consult the people of Quebec on its contents; and

  5. regrets that the separatist government of Quebec has chosen not to participate in the discussion of national unity, and has refused to include Quebeckers in the consultation on the Calgary declaration.

Calgary Declaration November 19th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, on the first sitting day of this Parliament, I asked the Prime Minister if he would be consulting Quebeckers on the Calgary declaration since Lucien Bouchard was not going to. He said maybe.

I asked the same question a few weeks ago and was told that the government was not planning anything in this regard.

When will consultations start in Quebec? Or is the Prime Minister afraid of stepping on Lucien Bouchard's toes?

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Quebec) November 17th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I will not be using my entire allotted time because I feel that the issue has been given a fair amount of attention and that many of the key issues have been explored in depth. I would suggest that all members of the House read the majority and minority reports put forward by the joint committee addressing the issue. In these reports my colleagues will find arguments both for and against the proposed amendment.

I support the proposed amendment to section 93 created and passed unanimously by the Quebec National Assembly. I will ultimately be voting in favour of the amendment as recommended by the Special Joint Committee on Quebec Schools.

The Reform caucus believes in free votes when it comes to matters that involve certain moral considerations. While I believe the issue is primarily a legal one, I appreciate the opportunity to be able to respectfully disagree with some of my colleagues.

While I have not polled my constituents directly on the issue, it is my belief that our party's commitment to returning education to the exclusive domain of the provinces would move all of them to support the amendment as well. Furthermore the amendment affects only the province of Quebec in any direct and meaningful way, which is why I believe the constituents of Edmonton—Strathcona have shown little interest in the matter.

The message I have heard is that what Quebec does with its schools should be its own business, provided fundamental rights are not violated.

Putting aside the issue of provincial jurisdiction before making my decision on the matter, I asked myself three questions which I believe are fundamental to the proposal.

The first question I asked was of a legal nature. Is section 43 the right way to approach the amendment, or should the general amending formula be used in the matter?

The second question I asked was political. Is there some evidence that the elimination of section 93 as it applies to Quebec has broad based support?

I also asked a related question. Is there support for the establishment of linguistic school boards in Quebec?

The final question I asked was a moral one. Does section 93 protect religious freedoms, and would these freedoms suffer in Quebec with the passing of the proposed amendment?

I would like to address the use of the section 43 amending formula. There is some concern it is inappropriate when applied to the proposed amendment to section 93. Instead it is argued that a general amending formula, or the 7 and 50 formula, should be used to facilitate the changes to denominational schools.

It is not only argued that this would be more appropriate, but also that it is the only legal approach to the proposed constitutional change.

Ideally the question should have been put to the supreme court as was called for by the Leader of the Official Opposition. However it did not happen and we must now deal with the question in the House.

From the perspective of a constitutional layman it would seem that section 43 is appropriate in this matter. The section 43 amending formula is used for constitutional amendments that apply only to a single province. In this case the single province is Quebec.

The counter argument has been made that the elimination of section 93 will lead to the elimination of denominational schools across Canada because section 2 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms will prevent public funding for these schools. Because of this, it is argued that the general amending formula involving all provinces should be used.

However the amendment to section 93 is not the removal of section 93 from the Constitution. It is an amendment that affects only Quebec in any direct and meaningful way. It may admittedly create a precedent for other provinces, but whether or not the other provinces choose to act on this precedent is entirely their choice. Therefore the specific proposed amendment cannot be said to affect religious educational freedom in the rest of Canada.

For this reason I believe that section 43 is applicable in this case.

On the matter of consensus, Quebec seems strongly in favour of setting up linguistic school boards. Even if it seems less likely that it supports the proposed amendment to section 93, such support probably exists.

I am pleased consultations were held in Quebec on establishing linguistic school boards. I was disappointed, however, that they were not held specifically on the proposal to eliminate section 93 as it applies to Quebec. My question to my colleagues is as follows, however: Since it is clear that most Quebeckers are in favour of establishing linguistic school boards, why are they so concerned about how the end they also want is achieved? In other words, I do not think it really matters to most Quebeckers just how the linguistic school boards are set up, as long as they are.

To get back to the matter of consensus, many groups stated that section 93 protects minority rights. They said, on the one hand, that most Quebeckers object to the proposed amendment and, on the other, that the amendment is an example of a majority oppressing a minority. We could say that minority rights are an issue here, but this argument cannot be used in conjunction with the argument that there is no consensus on the amendment.

To put the matter of consensus to rest, I would point out that the unanimous consent the National Assembly accorded the proposed resolution indicates that there is vast support for it. It is unlikely that all politicians from all parties would ignore public opinion. Every time parties agree on an issue, I think it is because the issue raises little controversy. That may not always be true, but I think it is in the present case.

Let us move on to another point. If the proposed amendment is passed, I fear Quebec and the rest of Canada will lose the right to freedom of religion.

That is really the crux of the matter. If freedom of religion were infringed on, a consensus among Quebeckers would not be justified at all.

Having heard the testimony received by the committee, I believe that section 93 is not essential to protect freedom of religion. In fact, it could run counter to this objective.

In a pluralistic society like ours, should the government collect money from Muslims, for instance, in support of Catholic religious teaching? I think not. Under section 93, however, the government could continue to support Christian religious teaching at the expense of other faiths. Is that how we want to promote freedom of religion in our schools?

Our party is often cautioned against using hypothetical cases to make a point. I will make an exception today.

Let us say that section 93 is designed to protect the freedom of speech instead of denominational education. If section 93 protected freedom of speech, but this right was granted only to Protestants and Catholics, one could argue that it recognizes a privilege, not a right, enjoyed only by these two groups. Rights must be universal, otherwise they cannot be considered as rights. Therefore, the exclusive right conferred by section 93 is prejudicial in that it actually impinges on the right to religious teaching.

In addition, sections 21 and 36 of Bill 109 in Quebec provide for religious teaching where numbers warrant. It appears to be necessary to carry out reforms to ensure that the wish to receive religious teaching is duly recognized and taken into account. However, this seems to be another administrative problem that could easily be resolved at the public's request.

A provincial campaign to promote the right to choose among schools whose funding is prorated, or chartered schools, is the only way to help ensure that religious teaching remains an option and this can only be achieved by repealing section 93.

To conclude, I think that matters relating to education should be exclusively under provincial jurisdiction. I think that the amending formula used to expedite the adoption of this bill is a lawful one. I believe there is in Quebec a political will to establish linguistic school boards. And I know that religious freedom in Quebec will not be threatened if section 93 is repealed. I am therefore in favour of this amendment.

I strongly recommend that my colleagues, the hon. members of this House, respect the wish of the Quebec National Assembly and heed the advice of the joint committee. I urge them to vote for the proposed amendment.