Madam Speaker, the motion before us today is a good one. I commend the hon. member for Halifax for introducing it. Her motion forces us to consider a number of important issues that are now orbiting around the conflict in the southern Balkans.
The first aspect of her motion is a call for a “diplomatic solution to the crisis in Kosovo”. I fully endorse this position and have done so from the very beginning of this latest crisis in the federal republic of Yugoslavia. In the House on April 12 I stated that the only durable solution for this conflict was a negotiated one. I have heard nothing that has changed my mind on this point.
The civil war in Kosovo is a confusing mixture of historical, ethnic and current political problems. To understand what we are confronting we must move beyond the rhetoric that comes so easily to public figures.
The fighting today is not solely the result of Slobodan Milosevic's policies. However, for 10 years his regime has done nothing but inflame longstanding ethnic distrusts. Nor does the answer lie, in my opinion, in the endorsement of an independent Kosovo.
A resolution of the current fighting must try to address the very real concerns for the security and safety of all people, both Serbs and Albanian Kosovars, who have traditionally called Kosovo their home. A dictated settlement that appears to favour one side over the other will do nothing but sow the seeds of yet another war some time in the future.
No war is ever inevitable. We can easily encourage future wars if we try to impose a peace that one or the other side finds unacceptable. That should not be the legacy of the current intervention. I have always regarded the demand that Belgrade accept the Rambouillet peace plan as an initial step toward a more conclusive negotiated peace. The best solution to me seems to be the substantial autonomy of Kosovo within the federal republic of Yugoslavia, along with ironclad guarantees for ethnic minorities. That autonomy must be understood as not challenging in any way the sovereignty of Yugoslavia in Kosovo.
We must ensure that NATO does not fight to advance the most radical Kosovar agenda. We cannot support the creation of an independent and militant Kosovo, which would be the source of instability to its neighbours for many years in the future. On the contrary, NATO's actions must create a long term peaceful settlement.
I am not involved in making policy for resolving the conflict of Kosovo. That is the government's responsibility. However we must make clear that the sole purpose of the current air campaign is and must be to create the conditions for a negotiated settlement. The idea of a war for war's sake is pointless. We must therefore repeatedly ask the government to reassure the House and the Canadian people that our participation in military operations in Yugoslavia is consistent with the achievement of the goal of a negotiated peace.
I am not convinced that the government is terribly concerned about giving such assurances. The Prime Minister's comments last week that we would simply follow along with whatever NATO decided to do is extremely unsettling. It raises questions about whether we even have an independent foreign policy. His refusal to permit a free vote on this issue shows a lack of interest in involving parliament in the prosecution of this war.
The second aspect of the motion today concerns the role of Russia. Everyone in the House will agree that we cannot build a new European security system without the active participation of Russia.
It is true that Russia can no longer project its military power with the same effectiveness that it did during the cold war. It is true that Russia is dependent upon western economic aid and that Moscow recognizes this dependence. However the conditions that prevail today will not always exist. Russia is never as strong as it wants to be, but we must remember it is never as weak as it looks. We must not act today in a fashion that would undermine Russia's willingness to help preserve European stability in the future. However, to some degree that is what we have already done.
For the past five years Moscow openly opposed NATO enlargement. Nevertheless we enlarged the alliance. That was not a mistake, but we must recognize that Moscow viewed our decision with concern.
For the past year Moscow has consistently advised NATO against intervention in Kosovo. It argued that the situation is more complicated than some western leaders would have us believe. Nevertheless we have intervened and it is possible that the war might still escalate.
For its part Russia has given every indication that it wants a peaceful resolution of the conflict. President Yeltsin has publicly stated that Russia will not get involved. He has refused Belgrade's request for weapons. He has ignored the more radical demands by radical members of the Duma. He has made no effort to alter the status of the two Russian battalions now serving with SFOR in Bosnia.
Some members might believe that Russia is not really relevant to the quest for a solution in Kosovo. I believe exactly the opposite. As a result of NATO's actions, Russia is the only remaining great European power that Belgrade can trust to protect its interests. We must therefore work with Moscow as much as possible. We must listen to what it says about Kosovo and the Balkans, a region it knows better than any of the rest of us.
Yesterday the Russian foreign minister stated that he would not be a relay station to transmit new demands from either NATO or Belgrade. He said that Russia was very willing to foster dialogue and encourage negotiations. I think we should take him up on that offer. The Chernomyrdin mission suggests that President Milosevic might be prepared to negotiate. We should not let this opportunity pass. Indeed we should encourage the Russians in their efforts.
Listening to Belgrade does not mean that we have to accept what is said. Nor does it require that we make unacceptable compromises. So long as we do not abandon the basic moral and political objectives of this war, we should always be prepared to listen. In this light I hope the foreign minister is successful when he travels to Moscow later this week.
The third aspect of the motion is to “urge NATO not to take actions to expand the conflict”. I think we can also agree with this sentiment. Indeed I feel certain that NATO would agree with that, from looking at what happened this past weekend. However the fear that NATO's actions might expand the conflict is misplaced.
It is curious that the hon. member for Burnaby—Douglas, a colleague of the mover of the motion, was the very first member to advocate the commitment of ground troops. Indeed he did so both stridently and aggressively. A few weeks ago in committee he loudly demanded a ground invasion of Kosovo now. I am afraid that type of action would inevitably lead to an expansion of the conflict. In fact, it might radically change the nature and purpose of the war. Therefore we must be very careful in using such rhetoric or in moving in that direction.
I must add that I believe at this point that NATO's decision to impose a naval blockade on Yugoslavia is ill timed and we do not have enough information about that mission. I do not understand the reasoning behind a decision that will almost certainly antagonize Moscow.
It is no secret that I have many concerns about this war. I raised many of them in the House on the day the hostilities commenced. I repeated many of those concerns on April 12 and have done so again today.
I believe that NATO's use of force to stop the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo is a legitimate policy. I also believe, as I have made clear today, that we must continue the quest for a negotiated peace settlement. This is not a case of wanting it both ways. This is simply the reality of the international system.
Diplomacy must often be backed up by the threat of military force. I hope the foreign minister has learned his lesson. Soft spoken words in the ears of foreign leaders do not yield influence. In simple terms, soft power without hard power is intellectually bankrupt and politically worthless.
In conclusion, I reiterate my support for the motion before us. On another day I might have quibbled about some of the anti-NATO sentiments. However, we must rise above these disputes for the greater purpose of seeking a swift and successful conclusion to the current military operations under way.
I join the hon. member in urging the government to seek the assistance of Russia in order to fashion a negotiated settlement that is consistent with our moral values and regional interests.
