Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was mmt.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Conservative MP for New Westminster—Coquitlam (B.C.)

Lost his last election, in 2011, with 36% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Correctional Service Canada September 26th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the solicitor general.

The whole country knows that the Liberals cannot manage. They cannot control drugs in prisons so they just give up. There is a trade in child porn inside the prison and they just wonder how it happens. The minister and his department have known of their management problems for years. In fact, the prisons seem to be con run.

In view of the deteriorating situation, what action has the minister taken? What will he do rather than just study it? What action will he take? Will he actually manage rather than limply monitor his responsibility?

The Late Anthony Theodorus Roosenmaallen September 20th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I rise to commemorate the untimely passing of Anthony Theodorus Roosenmaallen. He died on 12th Street in New Westminster, British Columbia in August of this year when he bravely tried to intervene and come to the rescue of victims who were being assaulted. He tried to keep the peace in the community and, unfortunately, died as a result.

Born November 13, 1960 in Scarborough, Ontario, Tony is survived by his son Morgan, age 13, his parents Anthony and Jose, and his brothers and sister in Kingston. He was buried at Glen Abbey Memorial Gardens in Kingston.

In New Westminster there was a street candlelight vigil in Tony's memory, as this construction worker had many friends. Four males aged 16 to 21 were charged from this tragedy. My community was deeply offended. May the Minister of Justice change her ways and take notice of what is needed to defend our communities.

Tony refused to ignore an injustice taking place. Why are the Liberals ignoring taking responsibility for violent crimes?

Supply June 15th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I only have 10 minutes to speak to the motion of my caucus, the Canadian Alliance, which states:

That this House recognize that the health care system in Canada is in crisis, the status quo is not an option, and the system that we have today is not sustainable; and, accordingly, that this House call upon the government to develop a plan to modernize the Canadian health care system, and to work with the provinces to encourage positive co-operative relations.

I cannot cover the scope of the problem at this time, but I can briefly say that we must first understand that medicare is the constitutional responsibility of the provinces. The federal government, through the Canada Health Act, controls a declining portion of the funding in exchange for the famous five principles.

As predicted at the start of medicare, the principles have been abandoned by all governments, yet the hollow phrases are fought over for the political advantage of posturing before the public about what party or government is more caring, wiser, and therefore should be trusted and supported by the voters.

The principles are: accessibility, portability, universality, comprehensiveness, and public administration. However, we must look at the five principles of the Canada Health Act and question if they are working.

Concerning accessibility, in the nineties there was an increase in people waiting for care. In 1993 the average wait was 9.3 weeks, but in 1998 the average wait was 13.3 weeks, an increase of 43%. Patients wait months to see a specialist. There is a huge shortage of technology that is available in other countries but is spread thinly in Canada. People are dying because they cannot get timely access, or they suffer needlessly.

What about portability? This supposedly means that every Canadian has the right to be treated anywhere in Canada. However, Quebec patients outside Quebec are required to pay upfront because the Quebec government did not sign the portability agreement and cannot be counted on to pay up.

I am told the reverse is even worse, about a person from B.C. who gets sick in Quebec and about how that person is seemingly discriminated against in the Quebec system. In other words, the interprovincial payment system is full of problems.

Next we have so-called universality. There are great shortages of services in outlying areas of Canada, far beyond the expected concentration of special services in regional centres. Where one lives, how and where one acquired the medical need and one's personal legal status all undermine universality because these affect what one gets from the system.

What about comprehensiveness? That has never been followed from the beginning. Each province has a different list of things that are covered and those that are not. As the pressure has mounted, provinces have been forced to delist services. In other words, there is no operational, national working agreement of core services. Consequently, Canada does not have comprehensiveness.

Finally, what about public administration? Most of it is public, in theory, except that there is a lot of contracting out that goes on for efficiencies such as computer services and financial support, and the labyrinth of personal cash payments for services mixed with tax dollars. As well, about 80% of total public spending for health care is consumed by labour costs for doctors, nurses and administrators.

Public administration of the complexities of medicare should be held accountable for cost and efficiency, but since there is no real competition how do we know what is happening?

The main point of a recent national study was the huge list of things that the system really did not know, could not account for or measure. In other words, medicare is administratively in the dark.

Dr. Heidi Oetter outlined the situation eloquently when she said in the Vancouver Sun :

This is the year I turn 40. It is a reflective year, a time to take stock of the past and ponder the future. When I was 20, I chose to stay in British Columbia and finish my education at the University of British Columbia's faculty of medicine. When I was 30, I chose to stay in Canada, unlike many of my classmates.

Since then, I've participated in more committees than I care to count, provincially and federally, to try and make Medicare work. Sadly, as my fourth decade comes to a close, I have to publicly say Medicare is decaying rapidly, and if we don't act now, its future is bleak...

Each new discovery, medication, diagnostic machine or operating device is expensive. For example, the additional equipment to do laparoscopic gallbladder removals—the cameras, TVs and laparoscopes—typically costs $100,000. The new neurosurgical equipment that will use computers to assist in brain surgery will cost upwards of $1 million. A magnetic resonance imaging machine (MRI) costs $1 million. B.C. has nine MRIs and should have 18...

In reality, it is difficult to fund research and new technologies when the Medicare system cannot even keep up with today's demands. Already we have medications and new technologies that Medicare simply cannot afford. Three times last year I referred patients to the United States, not to avoid the long Canadian waits, but to obtain a service that just was not available here. There now is better technology with improved outcomes for the public, but it's so expensive that Medicare cannot provide it.

I doubt my parents' generation will accept anything less than the best for the management of their heart disease, diabetes, cancers and chronic illnesses. Yet, my boomer generation, by sheer numbers alone, will challenge the sustainability of Medicare, as we age into our costliest health consuming years...

So, what do I want for my birthday? I would like to see further serious public debate on the issues as we have some serious decisions to make. We have to ask: “How much will we spend on Medicare? How will we fund new medicines and technologies? How do we decide what is necessary? What will our spending priorities be?...Our reality is that Medicare is decaying and is at risk of imploding. So, let's talk sustainability”.

Dr. Heidi Oetter is a practising family physician in Coquitlam and chair of the British Columbia Medical Association General Assembly.

What can we do, especially for those who really care about health care rather than health politics? We can be very watchful of the motives and the understanding of those who rant and derisively point the finger, saying “Someone wants two tier, American-style health care”. All agree that Canadians want great health care that is provided fairly and without catastrophic personal cost.

The constitution of Canada gives the provinces jurisdiction over social services, including health, education and training, and social assistance. We need to respect our constitution and refrain from intruding into the provinces' jurisdiction, including the formulation of social policy. Is Quebec listening?

The public sector now spends about $60 billion on health. A cheque the size the premiers want would boost that sum by a little more than 5%. Their report says that at a minimum “health spending could increase by close to 5% per year during each of the next 27 years”. The premiers estimate that by 2026-27 health expenditures will be 247% higher than today. That prospect is not sustainable.

We believe all Canadians should have access to quality health care regardless of their financial situation. We need to provide greater freedom of choice because it raises standards. The needs of patients must come first in the delivery of health care services, before restrictive union contracts and administrative empire building. We must work co-operatively with the provinces so that they have the resources and the flexibility to find effective approaches to the financing and management of health care.

We should not be afraid to allow the greatest freedom possible to Canadians in their choice of natural health products. We need to introduce restrictions only on those products that the government can clearly and scientifically demonstrate to be harmful. With the right incentives we can learn to manage for health rather than for sickness.

We can fix the national economy for real growth through tax reduction and spending reallocation so that we nationally can create the wealth to pay for the medicare economic challenge and create a reliable long term funding base.

The provinces are calling for $4.2 billion, and we need to grow it, rather than borrow it from the next generation. We can bring standards and independent auditing for greater transparency in the delivery of health care. We can initiate relations with the provinces to support and co-operate, not punish. We can examine and challenge the traditional roles of administration to get better efficiency and productivity. We can become more patient focused with the timely use of comparative measures. We must give evaluative tools to patients so they can make the local system more accountable and responsive to them.

The Canadian Alliance believes that families should get the best health care when they need it, regardless of their ability to pay.

Our plan to address the issues will only work if Canadians accept the need to innovate and change through co-operation rather than coercion, local adaptability rather than condemnation of others.

We can change the present dismal picture and place ourselves in the top one-third of OECD countries for health care, with no waiting lists, services that are not in jeopardy of being delisted, reversing the brain drain and ending the shortage of health care providers through wise incentives rather than defensive, punitive rules and barriers.

Who we are as Canadians and our standard of living will depend largely on the quality of our health care system. Instead of resisting change, we need to embrace it to solve the challenge of medicare in our time.

Human Resources Development June 15th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I will withdraw those words, but I would like an answer to the substance of the question.

Human Resources Development June 15th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the human resources minister sticks to her improbable claim that she was not briefed about the billion dollar bungle until November 17.

If we are to suspend this belief just for a moment and take her at her word, could the Prime Minister explain why she then blew another $3 million on the same broken programs within weeks after the briefing? Why did the people's money keep flowing? Who was being paid off?

Supply June 15th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I wanted to put some propositions to the member about the big squeeze the federal government made in the reduction of transfer payments concerning the health care envelope.

Was it in the parental mode saying that it knew best, implying that Canadians were getting too much health care, that the provinces were actually wasteful and that the federal bureaucrats in Ottawa knew how to run local hospitals in a much better way? Was it implying that there was a lot of slack and excess in the system because of what the federal government gave? Is it asking now for a more dynamic system, yet saying it is not money?

How are the five principles of the Canada Health Act going to be enhanced and maintained unless we are prepared to give the provinces the wiggle room? The federal government cannot have it both ways saying that it is going to cast things in cement but it is not going to give them much more money and it is not going to give the provinces who have the constitutional jurisdiction to deal with health care any wiggle room either.

Supply June 6th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I would like the hon. member to respond to what we know. We can go to any school of public administration at any university across the country and read the literature. We know that this type of expenditure probably hurts more than it helps the Canadian economy. Study after study it shows that.

Why would the government continue in the face of the academic literature? Is it because it knows there is a payoff politically? Even though it is not efficacious to the economy, it may be helpful in the voters' eyes, and it could misspend the money and get away with it because in the short term it could buy votes.

Immigration And Refugee Protection Act June 1st, 2000

Madam Speaker, I have been granted a few minutes to speak to this bill. One of the first things I look at when I see this bill is the grand hyperbole at the beginning of the bill, especially in the summary. In the sections it lays out, in lofty terms, what the bill intends to do, but when I begin to flip through the bill I see that the substance is not there. Certainly the image makers have had a great time.

I wonder if this bill has more to do with advertising or with the writing of a novel rather than with the writing of a statute.

The bill says:

This enactment replaces the Immigration Act, providing clearer, modern legislation to ensure that Canada's immigration and refugee protection system is able to respond to present challenges and opportunities.

Is that the language of legislation? That sounds like the language of a press release, as far as I am concerned.

It goes on to say:

(a) objectives that reflect the values of Canadian society;

(b) effective reporting to Parliament through a complete, consolidated annual report;

(c) agreements that facilitate cooperation with governments of provinces and foreign states;

(d) a description of the major classes of foreign nationals—the economic, family, Convention refugees overseas, Convention refugees in Canada, persons in need of protection and humanitarian classes;

(e) recognition of Canada's commitment to the principle of the “best interest of the child”;

We know that the government has been very poor on legislating under that one, especially under the Divorce Act.

The bill goes on to say:

(f) clear, objective residency requirements for permanent residents;

(g) a strong, effective refugee protection system that allows for decision-making on protection grounds including the Geneva Convention and the Convention Against Torture and on grounds of risk to life or of cruel and unusual treatment or punishment;

(h) a more efficient refugee determination process through greater use of single member panels;

(i) a Refugee Appeal Division within the Immigration and Refugee Board to enhance rigour, fairness and consistency in decision-making;

(j) ineligibility of foreign nationals who are serious criminals, security threats and repeat claimants to the refugee protection process of the Immigration and Refugee Board;

(k) formalization of a pre-removal risk assessment to review changed circumstances related to risk of return;

(l) inadmissibility provisions for foreign nationals who are criminals, security threats, violators of human rights or who should not be allowed into Canada because of fraud and misrepresentation or for health or financial reasons;

(m) clear detention criteria with authority to further clarify detention grounds in regulations;

(n) a security certificate process and an admissibility hearing to deal effectively with threats to security;

(o) offences for human smuggling and trafficking with a maximum penalty of life in prison;

(p) penalties for assisting in obtaining immigration status through fraud or misrepresentation; and

(q) an immigration appeal system that enhances integrity and effectiveness while maintaining fairness and legal safeguards.

When one reads that clause it sounds laudable, does it not? It sounds like a great process.

Last summer the telephone in my riding office was ringing off the hook when those people arrived by boat and our system was unable to deal with them in an expeditious manner. Yet here we find on page 18 of the bill, subparagraph 33(2)(b), that a person will not necessarily be ruled inadmissible. It says:

—does not lead to a determination of inadmissibility by reason only of the fact that the foreign national entered Canada with the assistance of a person who is involved in organized criminal activity.

In other words, that is a neon sign to the world saying that foreign nationals just have to plead their innocence. If they come here on a boat, they will be okay. Canada will say that it may get after the captain of the boat to whom the foreign nationals might have paid money, but the foreign nationals, being so-called innocent passengers, the traffic or the merchandise, it will not necessarily exclude them at all. In fact, come one come all is the essence of what that says.

Then we have the problem with the clause that talks about the charter of rights and freedoms. Certainly we want to deal with processes of decision in an orderly manner with hearings, rights of appeal and so on under the spirit of the charter of rights and freedoms, but there seems to be a difference between the ability of someone who comes to the border in a car and pulls up to the kiosk. At that point the customs person asks a few questions and what an individual says through that car window is later taken into consideration if the person is called into the office. What the individual says to those questions on the statement of purpose: who are you, are you a citizen, and whatnot, are admissible and can be used to further assess the individual's admissibility or whether they should be arrested.

What happens if someone is found on a boat floating on to the western coast of Canada? The statements made to the questions who are you and what are you doing here can be inadmissible because the foreign nationals did not have their charter warning or did not have access to a lawyer who knew what would go on in a later hearing. The ability of officers or anyone to ask or investigate in the beginning to find out what has happened gets struck down because it will be later argued that the person's charter rights were violated.

One of the other clauses that I have a particular problem with is the proceeds of crime section. I notice that clause 123 on page 53 is particularly good. It says:

No person shall possess any property or any proceeds of any property knowing that all or any part of the property or of those proceeds was obtained or derived directly or indirectly as a result of the commission of an offence under subsection—

It then provides the penalty. The penalty of course is a stiff fine or up to 10 years in jail. We have to wonder, by the way, when anybody has ever been significantly prosecuted for trading in people.

The international reputation of Canada is very poor in that regard. The motive is high because the profits are high. It is much safer to deal in people than it is to deal in drugs because the penalties are not there. Of course the act already says that the commodity that they are dealing in will be legal and accepted rather than being contraband, such as drugs.

Canada's reputation on prosecuting and acting as a deterrent to those who are involved in what I call the modern day version of the slave trade really is not there.

When I look at this clause I see that there is a fine and jail, but what about all the proceeds of the crime? We have proceeds of crime legislation under the criminal code but not under the immigration sections. We cannot go after the various houses, lands, vehicles and all the rest of it that may be owned legally through a holding company or whatever, but upon any ordinary investigation could be traced to the proceeds of this type of crime.

In other words, we need to go after more carefully the tremendous financial incentives that cause people to get involved in this kind of business: the human misery of trading in people. This is a great deficiency in the bill itself. I have attempted to deal with that in a private member's bill which is currently in the system to be drawn.

Canadians need to have confidence again in the immigration system. Governments, both through the Conservative years and since 1993 with this administration, have failed to bring anything forward of substance to deal with the tremendous disrepute that our immigration system has fallen into. Average Canadians have observed case after case of how the system has not responded as they want, or as they see their country and how they define themselves as Canadian. They have seen illegals come into the country and abuse the system, which has carried on for ever and ever.

We want to restore confidence in the Canadian immigration system so that when someone says he or she is an immigrant, the person can immediately command respect because of the knowledge of the orderly and high standard system. We know that the person has come through a system which brings great respect to the individual. I hope the government will restore confidence in the immigration system again.

The Unknown Soldier May 29th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, Canada buried a soldier in Ottawa yesterday. We do not know his name, his hometown or even the circumstances of his death in battle. However we do know that he was young and that he died fighting for all of us. For this we pay tribute to the Unknown Soldier.

Yesterday thousands stood in solemn silence as a horse-drawn gun carriage wheeled the casket draped with the Canadian flag to the final resting place at the foot of the war memorial. Soil from the original grave in France, as well as soil from all provinces and territories, was spread on the casket.

This lad fought in a battle thousands of miles from home for all to have freedom, a freedom we sometimes take for granted. Still today tens of thousands of soldiers remain buried with no identification. Though unknown they will always be remembered in our hearts for what they did and why.

Brigadier-General M. C. Farwell, chaplain general of the Canadian forces said it best in his closing prayer, “Lord, you know him. You know him by name. And you keep him close to you forever”.

Citizenship Of Canada Act May 29th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I certainly observe across the way what is sometimes more a concern about the unseemly internal Liberal manoeuvres than what really may be needed in the country. Instead of what Liberals want, what do Canadians want? What about a real political mandate to act? The parameters of citizenship go to the heart of how Canadians define themselves as a country.

A question was just asked about what kind of a country Canada is. In many respects it is a Liberal ruled country whose governance is quite out of date in attitude.

When we talk about citizenship, immigration and those kinds of things in general in my riding there is not a lot of confidence in the system. People just wag their heads in disgust. They throw their hands in the air and ask what can be done because it is a bureaucratic system that is detached and out of touch with how they would define their country.

We are looking today to restore some basic confidence in the system that someone is minding the store. When people in the community say they are immigrants, it should immediately bring elements of respect because we know of the good system of credits and merits they have come through. That attracts confidence in the system rather than the direct opposite.

I would ask that we speak today of some points on how we can be positive in fixing the system instead of always defending the old status quo.