Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was mmt.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Conservative MP for New Westminster—Coquitlam (B.C.)

Lost his last election, in 2011, with 36% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Simon Fraser University Pipe Band September 18th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, winning a world championship is an amazing feat. Winning two in a row is unprecedented, but that is what Burnaby's Simon Fraser University Pipe Band did recently at the elite world competition in Glasgow, Scotland.

I ask that all members of this House join with me in congratulating each of the band members for their outstanding achievement and first class representation of Canada, with special mention to 13-year old Arran Campbell, the youngest musician ever to compete at the world's.

Pipers: pipe major Terry Lee, pipe sergeant Jack Lee, manager Rob MacNeil, Alan Bevan, Dani Brin, Allan Campbell, Colin Clansey, Darran Forrest, Dave Hicks, David Hilder, Shaunna Hilder, Anthony Kerr, James MacHattie, Robert MacLeod, Bruce McIntosh, Bonnie McKain, Derrek Milloy, Pat Napper, and Adam Quinn.

Drummers: lead drummer Reid Maxwell, Brent Anderson, Blair Brown, Arran Campbell, Callum Hannah, Samantha Hanna, Scott MacNeil, Kathy MacPherson, Andre Tessier, John Nichol, Colin Nicol, and Christine Rickson.

Canada is proud of these world champions.

Criminal Code September 17th, 1996

Madam Speaker, Bill C-45 is before Parliament this September for specific reasons. There is a national consensus. The national consensus is that the operation of section 745 is flawed. The public does not like it. As with so many issues, the government tries to respond but it will not abandon its old ways and become a responsive agent for change.

This bill demonstrates that it is a rather poor manager of the country's business. It is not a matter of left or right on the political spectrum. It is between Liberal system defenders and the out of date attitudes of the Liberals, and Reformers who side with average Canadians in their impatience for change to reform our laws, to represent the situation that has become evident to the public as it

has observed the results and the operations of section 745 of the Criminal Code in its community.

The Liberals continue to stick to the old. Reformers are the system changers. It is a matter of ideals and social philosophy. It reveals the bankruptcy of Liberalism and the dissonance between the old view of the Prime Minister and the tremendous desire for reform that is in the land.

Today we have an example of the distasteful Liberal attitude of the divine right to govern from the Reformers who wish to represent mainstream Canadian values and the desire to give this country a fresh start.

The statistics of reoffending are not relevant to the central argument. However, the amount of crime we have in society is central. It is a matter of doing what is right, of doing what mainstream Canada wants. It is a matter of how average Canadians view themselves, of how citizens in my riding interpret what it means to be Canadian and of what should happen in society when murder occurs.

It is my view that section 745 of the Criminal Code has no appropriate place in Canadian criminal law. It is not appropriate as an instructive and social aspect of defining the limits of social order. It is a classic case of old style government prescribing and telling Canadians what is good for them, while it closes its ears to the national outcry against the section 745 rule.

There was a deal in this nation, the fair exchange was the abolition of capital punishment. Measures were introduced for those who have received life in jail. The faint hope of parole at the 25 year point was the fair exchange when capital punishment was eliminated.

Then that fair exchange was broken by the Liberals and slippery rules were introduced that the parole eligibility date could be reduced to even 15 years.

The bill before Parliament today tinkers again with these rules. The problem is this whole game should never have been entertained in the first place. This section should be repealed, not adjusted.

If the Liberals had their ideology deeply rooted in the Canadian soil and if they could comprehend the victims in this country, they would have abolished section 745. They would not have come back with this weak-kneed pointless piece of legislation known as Bill C-45 that we are debating today.

I also take issue with the fact that Bill C-45 appears to create categories of good and bad murderers. Those who kill one person will be entitled to a section 745 review. These are the good murderers according to the justice minister's legislation. However, serial killers will not be entitled to a section 745 review. These are the minister's bad murderers in the bill. It is truly unbelievable that the minister has actually quantified human life in this piece of legislation.

I ask the Prime Minister is one life any less valuable than two, three, five, ten? According to this bill an offender should be given a glimmer of hope if they kill only one person, but any more than that and they will not get a section 745 review.

The Liberals have set the quota at one life. It is disgraceful and reprehensible that the justice minister would draft his very own categories of murderers, some deserving leniency and others not.

What is parole anyway? Parole means that an offender can spend jail time in the community under some kind of supervision. Unfortunately, often that supervision is rather loose. I have deep concerns about the public expectation of what parole supervision means and actually what is delivered.

A life sentence with the opportunity of parole at 25 years was the fair exchange, but section 745 breaks that reasonable social convention.

My community is upset because section 745 should not exist, and yet the government is tinkering with it. The government can create an image, an appearance that it is doing something, because the public is upset.

This bill does not reflect mainstream Canadian values. The protection of society and the consideration of victims must be paramount before considering any legitimate concern for the offender. Therefore, on behalf of my community I cannot support the bill.

Supply June 19th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, on May 17, 1996, I questioned the Minister of the Environment regarding the Taro dump in Hamilton.

The proposed dump is slated to be located within 800 meters of the Niagara escarpment, a fractured rock bed which is a United Nations declared biosphere.

Constituents in this area are concerned that the leachate has the possibility of going into Lake Ontario, water protected under the Great Lakes eco-basin agreement signed in 1974.

Surface runoff from the site is now piped into the lake. People are seriously concerned the local water table and land will be negatively affected.

My question to the minister was direct and succinct: "Can the minister tell us whether a federal environmental assessment panel review will be conducted?" His answer had everything to do with the election in Hamilton East and little to do with environmental assessments.

In my supplementary question I asked: "Will the minister use his power and commit to launching a full environmental assessment of the Taro dump so all sides will be allowed real influence?" Again the minister answered with the same political bluster.

I remind that this is the jurisdiction of the federal environment minister to initiate full panel reviews. The former minister never

conducted these, even when the problem was very close to her own constituency office. Taro dump is an example of a larger problem of environmental assessments.

Section 28 of the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act gives the minister the power to launch a full panel review of a project:

Where at any time the minister is of the opinion that

(a) a project for which an environmental assessment may be required under section 5, taking into account the implementation of any appropriate mitigation measures, may cause significant adverse environmental effects, or

(b) public concerns warrant a reference to a mediator or review panel. The minister may-refer the project to a mediator or a review panel in accordance with section 29.

Will the project cause adverse environmental effects? If leachate from the dump goes into Lake Ontario, which is under federal jurisdiction, then yes, the project will cause serious environmental effects.

Is there public concern? The minister could easily review the Hamilton Spectator newspaper and he will discover the anger of the locals, especially those who have been threatened with lawsuits to keep them quiet about this project.

The issue at stake is whether the Minister of the Environment is willing to do his duty. If a minister does not make use of his powers then Canadians must ask what special interest has a hold on him.

Last month I was Sydney, Nova Scotia to see the extremely hazardous tar ponds site. The people of Sydney for years have desperately looked for help. The provincial government wants the most economical solution, while the federal government seems to be hiding. I challenge the minister to spend a day of inspection at Sydney like I did.

This was the scope of my question from May 17: when will the minister do what is needed to put Canada on the right track of environmental sustainability?

The minister knows full well that my two previous questions were not answered properly. I ask now three pointed questions on which I expect a clear answer.

First, does the Minister of the Environment envision ever using the power to conduct environmental assessments? Second, if leachate seeps into Lake Ontario, does the province of Ontario suddenly become responsible for the Great Lakes or does it remain the responsibility of the federal government? Third, the parliamentary secretary stated that before the end of the term the government will do something with the Sydney tar ponds. Can she explain exactly what the government plans to do with this poisoned black tidal inlet?

Sadly the answers so far appear to be process rather than action, paper making instead of field operations. My questions relate to needed action by the minister. The time for excuses is over.

Petitions June 19th, 1996

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to present a petition today on behalf of constituents from British Columbia's lower mainland, including many from the Canadian Merchant Navy Association in my riding of New Westminster-Burnaby.

The petitioners call upon Parliament to consider the advisability of extending benefits or compensation to veterans of the wartime merchant navy equal to those enjoyed by veterans of Canada's World War II armed services.

Fewer than 3,000 of these veteran merchant seamen are asking the Minister of Veterans Affairs to recognize their past service and extend benefits enjoyed by other wartime veterans.

Criminal Code June 17th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, we have heard Liberal members say life is life and that all we are discussing here is where the life sentence shall be served, whether it is in custody or in the community under parole supervision. Certainly if someone has been released on parole they will still serve their life sentence. They will be on parole for the balance of their life.

As a former parole officer I can talk about the limits and the difficulties of trying to enforce a useful parole supervision, especially on particularly manipulative offenders. People must understand what parole supervision is. The average parole interview is a half-hour interview in an office every month.

If we are to look at intensive supervision, perhaps a half-hour to an hour interview once a week in a community office with the odd check-up on someone's place of residence or where they are employed, and when we are talking about sophisticated serial killers out on parole, people have to understand what community supervision means. It means checking up to ensure the person is also going to their drug and alcohol program or seeing their psychologist.

However, it is of great concern that those who get out on parole have very intensive supervision and that they will serve their life sentence on parole. The public has to understand the nature of that supervision.

This bill proposes that the initial merits of the application to change the parole eligibility date from 25 years down to something lower will go before a judge. The judge will have to rule and give reasons for judgment. Does that mean now, because we are in a court process, the rule of law applies because it certainly brings in the element of appeal? One side or the other can appeal and if there are errors in law, we all know how lawyers can split hairs on those issues. They can always find some error in a law that makes it perhaps an avenue for appeal. Will we have nearly every one of these being appealed all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada? Of course in those kinds of situations would not the taxpayer be paying for all the court costs of the offenders?

This whole element of appeal is undefined, as far as I am concerned, and I want to know if the member has any further explanation as to the possibility of that.

The Environment June 12th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, yesterday marked Environment Canada's silver anniversary, but it is safe to say the clouds hanging over the minister's head have no silver lining.

These last few years of pathetic federal-provincial relations concerning the environment and poor legislation, all courtesy of Sheila Copps, have only hurt Environment Canada.

When will the minister stop behaving like Sheila Copps and start putting the environment ahead of personal political gains?

The Environment June 12th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, two weeks ago I visited Nova Scotia to see the Sydney tar ponds, one of Canada's biggest environmental disasters. Yesterday I had the chance to see the Taro dump site in Hamilton. Both sites are in desperate need of a federal environmental assessment and yet it seems the minister is doing all he can to stay miles away from these controversies.

Sheila Copps had the power to hold full panel environmental reviews but never did. Is the new minister prepared to use his statutory powers or will he hide his head in the sand like his predecessor?

Criminal Code June 10th, 1996

Madam Speaker, it is good to hear the minister make some rare comments on justice matters.

It is rumoured he is one of those in cabinet who stands in the way of more actively tightening the Criminal Code. I am pleased now to hear he supports some Criminal Code activism. Even when the outcome is not entirely certain, we can be bold in these kinds of matters. That is to be encouraged.

Related to the content of the bill before the House, the justice minister knows my private members' bill has been introduced. I

think he would agree that by strengthening the punishment in section 213 of the code we would strengthen the attack on the sex trade.

The minister is hesitant on the proposal. I suggest he talk to his colleague in cabinet, the Minister for International Trade. In 1989 when the minister was the mayor of Toronto he appeared before the Standing Committee on Justice.

For argument's sake it would be beneficial to he read the former mayor's comments on section 213: "I support these changes as well as other recommendations our police are putting forward to help us once again regain control of our streets, namely that this offence be changed from a summary offence to a hybrid offence, requiring that those arrested be fingerprinted and photographed, which is important in dealing with runaways who can change their identities and their names and with others who are trying to avoid prosecution, and that it remain in addition to that within the absolute jurisdiction of a provincial court judge".

Certainly there is consensus with the provincial attorneys general that section 213 should become a hybrid offence. If the minister is willing, I would be more than happy to withdraw my bill on the condition that such an amendment would be added to Bill C-27 at committee stage, as it directly relates to the content of the bill.

The minister and other members of the House should understand Reformers are not here to continuously oppose government legislation. Rather, we are here to offer constructive criticism and valid suggestions.

I hope the minister gives my offer some serious consideration not only for my benefit or for his but for the benefit of Canadian communities like mine, New Westminster-Burnaby, and his, Etobicoke Centre. In other words, create the right legal climate and we will see positive change emerge for safer communities.

In 1991-92 the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics completed studies in Ontario and Alberta revealing what type of sentences were handed down to those communicating for the purposes of prostitution.

In Ontario it was found that 44 per cent of charges against women, mainly prostitution charges, resulted in prison terms followed by probation at 26 per cent, fines at 22 per cent and absolute discharges at 8 per cent. Of the sentences imposed, the medium prison term was only 10 days. Of those who received fines, the medium fine amounted to a mere $150.

Alternatively in Alberta, fines were the most frequent dispositions for communicating convictions among women, who were mainly prostitutes. Sixty-six per cent of charges against women resulted in fines, followed by prison terms at 19 per cent, probation at 15 per cent and absolute discharges at 2 per cent. Of those who were imprisoned, the median prison term was just 30 days. Of those who received fines, the median fine amounted to about $200.

Any way we look at these statistics, it tells us that the penalties associated with prostitution are too weak. The sex trade flourishes. The Criminal Code needs to be strengthened. Reformers have been telling the minister this for years. It is good to see he has finally listened and is at least willing to deal with the subject in law rather than just endless study after study.

I commend the minister for the changes he made to section 212(4). The section now reads: "Every person who, in any place, obtains or attempts to obtain for consideration the sexual services of a person who is under the age of 18 years or who that person believes is under the age of 18 years is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years".

There is a real problem with prostitutes under the age of 18 years. The widely known Badgley committee report on sexual offences against children and youth done in 1984 discovered that approximately one-half of prostitutes interviewed entered the prostitution trade when they were under the age of 16. Further, almost 96 per cent of those interviewed said that they had become prostitutes before the age of 18.

It is the ease of entry into the trade via the street that facilitates the young to become involved. When prostitutes are asked to describe street life, all they give are negative assessments. In fact I would guarantee that if most had their lives to live over again, every one of them would not choose the sex trade lifestyle.

J. Lowman from the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser University found that most prostitutes would advise a young person not to get involved in the life. Lowman found that for many street prostitutes it is the fact that prostitution provides money at all that is the necessary condition of both their turning out and their remaining in the business. If this were not the case it is difficult to see why so many prostitutes stay in the business when they offer such thoroughly negative appraisals of it. It is a trap that is a wide open entry to life on the street. It is a downward spiral where alternatives to change become very hard to find.

A local reporter in my riding did a story on prostitution a couple of years ago. While researching it he approached a prostitute and the response was: "I am under age. Don't take my picture. Put my picture in your paper and my parents will sue you". I thought that was rather interesting. Here she was performing an illegal act and she was talking about suing the reporter for wanting to take her picture for a story. I guess she knew the justice system better at 17 years of age than most people will ever begin to know it in their lifetime.

The same can be said about the Young Offenders Act. The 11-year old who repeatedly steals cars knows full well the police cannot touch him until he is 12. Like the prostitutes on the street, the young offenders know exactly what they can get away with. Capacity creates its own demand.

I want to touch on another subject in Bill C-27 and perhaps add some comments on the issue of the sex trade overseas. Clause 1 of the bill adds a new section to the Criminal Code dealing with those who obtain sexual services from minors outside of Canada. This is an abhorrent practice which must be outlawed not only in Canada but throughout the rest of the world. There are countries in the world whose laws are much more liberal or lenient than those here in Canada. It is in these countries that law breakers are finding their profits.

The preamble to this bill states: "Whereas, by ratifying the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Canada has undertaken to protect children from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse, and to take measures to prevent the exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices".

In Thailand with a population of 56 million, 2.8 million are said to be prostitutes. Incredible. Of those 2.8 million, over 800,000 are said to be under 16 years of age. A July 1994 report for the Good Shepherd Sisters, a Thailand drop-in centre, said that a great number of the country's five million tourists per year are travellers on organized sex tours from Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Australia, Europe and the United States. Although Canada was not included on that list, I find it hard to believe that such activity is not being orchestrated from this country as well.

According to those who have researched this entire area of the sex trade, articles on child prostitution overseas regularly appear in pedophile newspapers. One article that appeared in the newsletter of the North American Man/Boy Love Association rhapsodised about a 12-year old Asian boy who truly loved his work. The writer of the article went on to say: "Weigh the pros and cons of becoming involved yourself in sex tourism overseas. Seek and find love from American boys on a platonic, purely emotional level. For sexual satisfaction, travel once or twice yearly overseas. You might get arrested overseas for patronizing a boy prostitute. But the legal consequences of being caught patronizing a boy prostitute in a friendly place overseas will be less severe".

A pedophile was advised by friends to go to Asia where thousands of kids were there just for the picking. He attended a NAMBLA meeting and afterward confided to a member that he wanted to go to Thailand but he did not know how to set it up. He was told it was no problem, that he would be given a contact and he could arrange everything. A few weeks later he was with one of those who were there for the picking.

A convicted child molester, after his release from prison, enjoyed telling children in his neighbourhood that the boys he had hired in Thailand charged only $8 or $9. He was considering moving there, shortly before he disappeared, to take advantage of that country's "more mature cultural attitudes".

Australia, Germany, Norway, Sweden and the United States all have laws now that allow prosecution of child sex tourists upon their return home. However some critics from these countries are sceptical that the law will be effective. One law professor from Australia stated:

The enactment of such legislation will be an important symbolic and polit-ical statement. However, there is real danger that, if the legislation isnot accompanied by effective enforcement measures at the national and international level, its promises could turn out to be rather hollow-.Prosecuting a sexual offence where a child has been the victim is a difficult enough task in any event; when it is further complicated by the problems of obtaining evidence in a foreign country, ensuring the willingness of witnesses to testify in that country where proceedings are conducted in a foreign language, that task becomes even more onerous. Furthermore, the reasons for the lack of effective enforcement of local laws in certain countries may also result in a lack of the close law enforcement co-operation needed to put together a case of this sort.

This statement has a great deal of weight and attention should be paid to it.

The section of Bill C-27 dealing with child sex tourism sounds good but the bill itself does not outline how the government is going to enforce it. Perhaps someone from the government side will be able to explain this further in today's ensuing debate. I look forward to hearing their reasoning. It is the Canadian government's duty to make certain that it does not only follow through on international agreements but that it also be a leader by its actions. As we all know, it is actions and not words that put a stop to crime.

Bill C-27 is a helpful bill but it is not a great bill. A great bill would have made changes to section 213 of the Criminal Code. However, the minister is well aware of my private member's bill, Bill C-248. I believe he realizes that to properly curb prostitution this section needs to be amended. He knows that changes to section 213 would assist the police, allowing fingerprinting and easier search access to take place.

This bill could have repealed section 745 or any number of other things.

In summary, the bill has more to do with optics rather than substance. It is not just the justice minister and his Liberal philosophy which fall short; it is his cabinet colleagues and the Prime Minister who failed to give the justice minister the latitude he needs to bring in appropriate adjustments to the Criminal Code. The government's failure to legislate on criminal justice matters

has to do with an old style attitude of being a system defender rather than a system changer.

Canadians in general have little confidence or praise for the results which come from our criminal courts. Since it is largely a Liberal system, Canadians can understand why this government will never be known as the law and order group or the government that has the courage to govern on behalf of ordinary Canadians and provide safer streets.

The bill before the House today does so little when so much needs to be done. I call on the minister to quickly and comprehensively deal with the subjects that are only lightly touched upon in this bill.

I will be supporting Bill C-27. I hope my hon. friends across the floor will also be considerate when Reformers submit amendments to make this bill a better bill and more reflective of mainstream Canadian values.

Criminal Code June 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak on Bill C-27. This is one of the few times the Minister of Justice has put together legislation that goes somewhat in the right direction.

Looking back over the last few years, much from the Department of Justice was based on the bleeding heart mentality of the Liberals. One might say they had no sense of direction and no sense of putting public safety as the number one priority, certainly not a reflection of mainstream Canadian values.

With Bill C-37, which amends the Young Offenders Act, the minister was too lenient, providing more rights it seems to the offender than to victim. The minister had an opportunity to lower the age limit in the Young Offenders Act, something the majority of Canadians were pressing for, but he left the age alone simply to perhaps please the bleeding hearts. Now we have more committee study.

With Bill C-68, an act respecting firearms and other weapons, the minister could not demonstrate that a ban on guns would put a stop to crime. Time will tell how this bill did nothing to curb violent crime involving weapons. Certainly this will be the minister's legacy, much about disruptive cost, very little to do with public safety.

Bills C-41 and C-33, the two bills which included the term sexual orientation into both the Criminal Code and the Canadian Human Rights Act, prove the minister is all for giving special status to certain groups instead of providing equal protection for all.

I am talking about the track record in the context of this bill. The track record of this minister is enough to single handedly perhaps undermine Canada's justice system. Where are we going? When I am back in my riding one of the comments I often hear is "do not let the justice minister get away with the softening of crime".

People are generally afraid in their communities. They are afraid that criminals seem to have more rights than the average Canadian citizen. They are afraid knowing that sections of the Criminal Code like 745 are giving mass murderers like Clifford Olson at least a glimmer of hope of being released before their sentence is up.

Specifically on this bill today, the government could have repealed section 745 but it did not. One of the markers of this minor criminal justice bill is significantly what is not in it and what could have been in it rather than what is.

Many Canadians have written to the minister and have submitted countless petitions asking for the repeal of section 745, yet nothing has been done because the minority of bleeding hearts in this country are maybe supporting the Liberals. They know they are tied to special interest. Therefore because of political manoeuvring and expediency, the safety of Canadians is continuing to be put in jeopardy.

I think we should expect more from our justice minister, after all he is the justice minister for our whole country. We look to him for guidance in being able to put a climate of laws in place to protect the community. We should expect him to represent the grassroots of ordinary communities and not special interests.

The minister says he does respect the grassroots, except his legislation he almost always proves the opposite to be true. In view of what is not in this bill, who then does have the ear of the justice minister? It certainly does not appear to be the ordinary Canadian.

Yes, I did say almost always. In my riding of New Westminster-Burnaby, for example, prostitution is a serious problem, as is the case in most of the larger Canadian cities. Prostitutes gather for a time in one given area until a group of concerned citizens pushes them away. Except they do not really go away, they simply move to the other side of the tracks or another part of town.

While Bill C-27 goes in the right direction in this matter and respects some of the wishes of the grassroots, it again, in the typical pattern I have pointed out, does not go far enough. Like most Liberal bills, stricter penalties are frowned on. Sadly this is what communities really want.

In concert with helping programs, we need a climate of legal control so they can operate successfully. It is all a matter of balance and the courage to act. This bill deals with prostitution as a problem but it does not go far enough.

In September 1994, I recall when New Westminster activist Neil Douglas put together a group of neighbours who were frustrated with finding used condoms and needles lying around in his community, not to mention the indecent acts that were happening right in the middle of the street. This group set up a campaign to stop the Johns from picking up prostitutes in their local area. They would set up all night vigilance in areas frequented by prostitutes in an effort to shame the Johns, and the campaign did work. It was citizen action, not certainly will the help of our legal climate, except for one problem. When the New Westminster group drive the prostitutes out of their area, the prostitutes migrate over to my neighbouring city Burnaby. Then a Burnaby watch group does a similar action, takes over and drives the prostitutes back to New Westminster. This is going on back and forth.

Citizens are understandably frustrated. Unfortunately the lack of resources from local police and the lack of the appropriate legal climate makes residents take matters into their own hands. This is when the whole issue becomes much more serious. This is why the Criminal Code needs to be changed to reflect the needs of society.

In March of this year I introduced a private member's bill, Bill C-248, which would make changes to section 213 of the Criminal Code. The way it currently stands every person who in a public place or any place open to public view stops or attempts to stop a motor vehicle, impedes the free flow of pedestrian or vehicular traffic or stops any person for the purposes to communicate to engage in prostitution is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.

Since my community is plagued with this problem, I went to it to ask for possible solutions. One that came up time after time was to stiffen the penalty. I proposed that in my private member's bill. It would make the penalty for communicating an indictable offence liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years or guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.

This would allow the judge greater freedom from the current penalty of simply applying a summary conviction offence. It makes the offences electable and permits greater latitude for police discretion to arrest and to identify.

In March 1995 a consultation paper was prepared by the working group on prostitution, a group established in 1992 by the federal, provincial and territorial deputy ministers responsible for justice. The report suggested exactly what I proposed in Bill C-248 and suggested making section 213 of the Criminal Code a dual procedure or hybrid offence.

I want to read what the committee said for the reasons for such a suggestion:

This option would give the crown the choice of proceeding by way of summary conviction or on indictment if prostitutes or their customers were arrested under section 213. It would provide a higher maximum penalty if the crown chose to proceed by indictment and would also allow fingerprints and photographs to be taken upon arrest. Being able to take fingerprints upon arrest would help the police and the courts enforce the legislation by minimizing the use of false identity especially by repeat offenders.

Prostitutes, particularly youths and runaways who could be identified, could be assisted in leaving the sex trade. This option might help programs for deterring street prostitution when those programs depend on knowing the identities of people in the sex trade.

On November 27, 1989 Superintendent Jim Clark of the morality bureau of Metropolitan Toronto Police testified at a House of Commons justice standing committee: "Being able to fingerprint and photograph suspects would help police locate out of town runaways age 13 to 15 who are engaged in prostitution and to clear the large backlog of outstanding arrest warrants against prostitutes who have been able to use false identities with impunity".

There are only two ways police would be able to fingerprint a prostitute charged with solicitation.

Petitions June 3rd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 36, I am pleased to present a petition on behalf of many concerned citizens of New Westminster-Burnaby.

The petitioners pray that Parliament not amend the Canadian Human Rights Act or the charter of rights and freedoms in any way which would tend to indicate societal approval of same sex relationships or homosexuality. Although Bill C-33 has passed through the House of Commons these wishes should not be regarded as redundant, as the majority of Canadians would concur.