Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was great.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Liberal MP for Kitchener—Conestoga (Ontario)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 38% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply June 8th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, in answer to the member opposite, I simply want to say that yes we do understand the difference. We understand the basis of this great country, the democracy that underpins it and the foundation on which we build day after day.

What they fail to see is that there is a real danger in interfering in the independence of judges. More to the point, we cannot interfere with the independence of the judiciary. I am amazed that the members opposite would do that.

In fairness, it is part and parcel of their approach to negativity and fearmongering which they are very able and very capable of doing this. That is too bad.

The member opposite said something about getting on their high horse. As usual they are on their high horse with that sort of self-righteousness.

I say to them that this government continues to stand on the foundation of the very democracy on which our Constitution was built. We will continue to do that. It is the right and the appropriate thing to do and Canadians respect that.

Supply June 8th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, in reply to the hon. member, I want to simply point out that I think he is missing the point. It is certainly the minister's prerogative to appeal. It is, in fact, the process and is within her rights and the laws set out in Canada.

I really find it disheartening to hear the Reform members flip-flop in terms of supreme court and other judges' decisions. I was surprised to read a May 7, 1996 press release issued by the Reform member for Prince George—Peace River, entitled “Kids Win in Supreme Court Ruling”, in which he applauded the court for upholding the rights of non-custodial parents. Even the leader of the Reform Party got in on the act and made political hay in this case.

My point is that when it suits the members opposite they will use it and when it does not they will not. Canadians see through this kind of hypocrisy all too well. It is just simply part and parcel of the kind of nonsense that we get from members opposite.

Supply June 8th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Mississauga West.

I rise to address the motion before the House today. The member opposite appears a bit confused about how our democracy works, about the checks and balances put in place to ensure our system of democracy is well protected. The simple truth is that the decision by the Ontario Court of Appeal regarding the Rosenberg case is one of hundreds decided across Canada daily involving one branch or another of the federal government.

It is a supreme irony that members of the official opposition have focused so much attention on a decision of the Ontario Court of Appeal while there are hundreds of others of great importance they have chosen to ignore. This decision was recently rendered by the Ontario Court of Appeal. It is my understanding that it is being considered by officials and that in due course the Attorney General of Canada in collaboration with her colleague, the Minister of Finance, who is responsible for the Income Tax Act, will come to a decision as to how to best proceed.

I ask whether the hon. member is suggesting that all litigation conducted against the Government of Canada at whatever court level must be debated before this House. I would think not and I would hope not. That would clearly be unworkable and would prevent this House from carrying on the serious business of government.

With respect to the suggestion in the motion that the judiciary is overreaching its jurisdiction, let me clarify for members opposite how our democracy works. The courts continue to play their traditional and rightful role. As all Canadians know, the courts have a legitimate role which they were given long ago when our Constitution was first established. Our Constitution is an important guarantee of democracy.

It is the Constitution that sets out the power of this parliament and the power of the provincial legislatures. It is for this reason that elections are mandated within a strict time period and that the governor general is given a role as is the Senate.

It is the legitimate important role of the courts as provided by the Constitution to review any action taken by this House or by the provincial legislatures. And that they do to ensure the action was properly conducted by which I mean within proper jurisdiction.

It would not do for the federal government to begin to legislate in areas within provincial jurisdiction or vice versa, or outside the limitations of the fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed to all Canadians by the charter of rights and freedoms. The fundamental importance of the balance of power set out in and by the Constitution and the ability of ordinary Canadians to challenge their government is part of what makes this country what it is, a shining example of democracy and fairness.

The courts have been tasked with interpreting the Constitution and making decisions on behalf of all citizens. Sometimes that role will require courts to point out to the government not only where their actions are clearly outside of their authority but where unintended consequences may potentially exist as a result of legislation passed in good faith by the House. It is the responsibility then of the courts to signal even those occasions where there was no intention of acting outside of their authority and where legislation was passed in good faith by the House.

Canadians understand and appreciate the need for governments to balance the interests of all Canadians and to try to be fair. After all, governments are elected by the majority, but in a democracy their duty is to serve the interests of all Canadians. Laws and the duty of government cannot responsibly reflect only one vision of what is right or the debate would endlessly revolve around who had the power to shape these norms and focus all Canadians to live them.

This decision is not the first to bring to the attention of the government that there is need to find some fair solution to an important equality issue. The decision itself is not the end of the story, as the hon. member well knows. What is most intriguing is that he seems to object to the court as he sees it assuming some of the role of parliament by changing the legislation. But he is not suggesting that it should be the House that does the job. Rather he suggests an appeal to another court, this time the Supreme Court of Canada. It is a very strange twist of logic indeed.

I assure the House that there is no such thing as judicial legislation, although some alarmists have tried very hard recently to convince us of the existence of this creature used only by “radical judges” who are “out of control”.

Let me suggest rather that it is entirely more accurate to understand that the courts are only playing the same role they have always performed, that of reviewing government action and in a few cases where they believe the answer is clear attempting to help both the Canadians before them and parliament with a suggested solution.

Again, the remedy chosen in this case that is written in is not our preferred choice of remedy, but then again it is hardly written in stone as some seem to believe. Even if the decision is not appealed there remain a number of options open to the House including legislating a solution, which is preferable to us as long as that solution complies with the Constitution and in particular with the charter of rights and freedoms.

As I see it, the courts and legislatures are still engaged in a constructive dialogue in this area of the charter. Courts interpret our constitutional principles and apply them to legislation. If courts think legislatures have it wrong, courts then will declare that provision invalid, but it will always remain open to parliament to introduce a new law that meets the concerns set out by the court.

Because of this the motion is simply inappropriate and shows a lack of appreciation of how democracy works. There is no need to interfere with the routine process with this kind of case or these kinds of cases which have been handled within the government system since Confederation. There is no need for parliament to begin to discuss conduct of individual court cases. Furthermore, it would be entirely inappropriate for parliament to begin to comment on specific cases and decisions of the court.

Public confidence in the courts and in the justice system is largely dependent on the independence of the judiciary. An important element of judicial independence is the ability of judges to make decisions free from interference. It is a cornerstone of the Canadian democratic system and one well worth noting. That freedom also includes freedom from interference by parliament.

This motion, if passed, would represent a serious precedent for interference with the judiciary in attempting to tell the courts what kind of remedies they can and cannot order when a court finds a provision unconstitutional. Instead we should leave this decision, as we have hundreds of others, to the usual process.

Sociologists have pointed out that the variety of household forms in today's society should perhaps be recognized in some way by increasing flexibility to reflect all relationships of economic dependency.

Statistics show that one of the most common household forms for people over the age of 65 is two siblings living together who may well be able to afford an apartment only by combining income. In the coming years some argue that government policies must struggle with the values of Canadian society and with what kind of society we want to have: a society that treats everyone as individuals or a society that facilitates caring, as one socialist has put it.

Certainly part of our stability as a nation comes from the strength of our families. Families continue to be the foundation of our nation, as acknowledged in this House and in all of the homes of this great nation.

In summarizing what this motion means and what it represents, I want to first point out that it is inappropriate in four ways. First, the conduct of court cases by the government is within the sole jurisdiction of the attorney general and this House should not set a precedent by interfering with the mandate or with the ordinary process of determining the appropriate action of a court decision.

Second, this House should not set a precedent by beginning to debate how each and every court case concerning the federal government should be conducted. That would be absolutely ludicrous.

Third, this House should not set a precedent which would appear to Canadians to interfere with the independence of the judiciary. If we do not agree with the court decision, the answer is not to address the decision itself, but to determine other methods of proceeding.

Finally, fourth, not only do Canadians not view this specific court decision as the judges taking over, but they continue to believe that the balance between the role of the courts and the role of parliament is essential to the proper workings of democracy.

I believe that after careful reflection most members of this House will agree with the points I have made.

Supply June 8th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I listened with great interest to the hon. member and I want to know why the Reform Party continues to want to undermine the charter of rights and freedoms. Why exactly is that?

It is fundamental to due process of law and the underpinnings of fundamental justice that the courts need to have independent power when it comes to enforcing the charter or it cannot protect the equality of all citizens. We understand that and we know that to be true.

I participated in the judges debate and I was amazed when one of the Reform members actually suggested that a certain judge did not deserve a pay raise because she did not follow Mosaic law. Giving statements like that, I really wonder where the Reform Party is coming from on these kinds of issues. Why does it continue to try to undermine the charter of rights and freedoms?

Fishers Bill Of Rights June 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, Canadians living in my riding of Waterloo—Wellington and indeed Canadians all across Canada are very concerned about our environment. They want to know that all levels of government and all partners are doing their utmost to secure a safe and clean environment for the generations to follow.

Canadians want and demand action on issues concerning the environment. As a government we need to provide vision and leadership in tackling the environmental challenges it faces. We need to provide that vision and leadership in the context of sustainable development strategies which are beneficial for the country.

A key environmental challenge facing Canadians is climate change. Climate change could bring about such possible long term effects as drier summers in the prairies, increases in forest fires and insect infestations, coastal flooding and more frequent extreme weather events. All of this could be very devastating for Canada and all Canadians.

It is clear we need to act now. I am heartened to know that the government has accepted that the risk of climate change is real and that the consequences are potentially very devastating. I am heartened to know that Canada is considered to be a leader in international negotiations on climate change.

The federal government has the responsibility to lead the nation in responding to climate change. It needs to ensure that partnerships are well defined. It needs to have targets to measure progress and it needs to have contingency plans for corrective actions if required.

The federal government should continue to defend the interests of all Canadians. It should lead us into the new millennium with vision and judgement.

In light of all of this, my question for the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Natural Resources is simple. What steps are being taken by the government to ensure that Canada meets commitments made in Kyoto last December? What are we doing to secure our environment for future generations?

Reform Party June 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the marriage between the Reform Party and the separatists continues with the Reform leader now saying that he would like to hold meetings with his new found friend, Lucien Bouchard. His party called the Parti Quebecois yesterday to ask if it could make a formal presentation to the national assembly.

After meeting with the Bloc in Quebec yesterday Reform MPs have even come out in agreement with the separatists in opposing the millennium scholarship fund, endorsing an end to support for anglophone groups in Quebec and claiming that the 1982 Constitution was not democratically adopted. I do not see how those ideas would be very popular in western Canada.

I challenge the Reform Party to repeat that at its joint meeting with the Bloc in Edmonton tonight. Many Reformers would be smart to pick up the Calgary Herald and read what it had to say:

The Reform leader must never forget that the sovereignist idea—includes the unshakeable belief in an independent Quebec—The adherents to this belief will never be satisfied with parliamentary reforms and decentralizing modifications that Reform has in mind.

Income Tax Act June 2nd, 1998

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-414, an act to amend the Income Tax Act (wages of apprentices).

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to introduce my private member's bill, an act to amend the Income Tax Act.

The purpose of the bill is to allow an employer a tax credit equal to the wages paid by the employer to a person hired as an apprentice. This deduction could only be made upon completion of the full term of the apprenticeship with the employer.

I look forward to debating the bill in the House and I look forward to the support of my colleagues.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

National Symbol Of Canadian Unity Act June 2nd, 1998

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-413, an act to provide for the recognition of a national symbol for the promotion of Canadian unity.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to introduce my private member's bill, which is an act to provide for the recognition of a national symbol for the promotion of Canadian unity.

The purpose of this bill is to promote Canadian unity and to provide a symbol which assists in this very important endeavour. I look forward to debating this bill in the House and I look forward to the support of my colleagues.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Supply June 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the member opposite for the question.

I am astounded at the fact that the NDP in this case would take us on in terms of what our position is. It really has no financial credibility. As members all know, that party's election platform, which was widely rejected by Canadians, proposed to spend an additional $18 billion in four years if it had been elected. It is the leader of the NDP who told Canadians that she never planned on forming a government, so I guess those kinds of outrageous statements can be made to try to rope the people in.

The people are not fooled by such nonsense. Canadians have worked too hard to eliminate the deficit to allow their government to go on a free wheeling and irresponsible tax and spending spree.

When the member opposite from the NDP makes those kinds of outrageous statements, it is incumbent upon those of us on the government side to ensure that that kind of nonsense is put in its place. It has no place in this great country of ours and as a government we will ensure that.

Supply June 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I want to say at the outset that there is a lot of evidence that we as a government can put forward in terms of the kinds of things we are doing for Canadians from coast to coast. I reference specifically the programs that are in place to assist workers at a time when they need it most, which is most important. I think Canadians across the country understand that and respect it.

The hon. member talks about being in the past. I was doing some research into what the Bloc has recently introduced by way of private members' bills on this particular issue. What those bills would do, in effect, would be to reverse the EI reforms that we as a government have put in place. I would reference, for example, Bill C-295, Bill C-296, Bill C-297, Bill C-298 and Bill C-300. These five private members' bills would turn back the clock and reverse the kind of progressiveness that we as a government are ensuring is in place for all Canadians no matter where they live.

I would also point out to the hon. member that $2.7 billion over five years is going to Quebec alone in order to ensure that there are active employment measures in place. That spells good news not only for Quebeckers, but for Canadians all across this great country of ours.

We as a government are moving in the right direction with foresight, according to the needs of Canadians.