Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Bloc MP for Charlesbourg (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 38% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Vanessa Bilodeau and Catherine Mongeau November 20th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to welcome to Parliament Hill today and tomorrow the MPs for a day for Charlesbourg—Jacques-Cartier, Vanessa Bilodeau and Catherine Mongeau.

These two young ladies tied as winners of the fifth edition of the MP for a day contest, winning out over close to 1,200 other fourth year secondary school students in a test of general political knowledge.

During their stay in Ottawa, they will have an opportunity to find out more about what MPs do in Parliament and to have a closer look at the exciting life here on the Hill. They and their mothers will have the honour of a private meeting with the leader of the Bloc Quebecois and will also have the opportunity to meet the members of our entire caucus.

You too, Mr. Speaker, will have the opportunity to meet and talk with the two of them after question period this afternoon.

On behalf of all my colleagues here in the House, welcome to Parliament. Enjoy your time among us.

Health November 18th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, the hon. minister claims that she does not understand the premise of my question, which is the following.

In the Queen's University report, Mr. Lazar noted that the federal government was not equipped to get directly involved in health care, saying:

It does not have the administrative or bureaucratic capacity to organize the system as well as the provinces, whose jurisdiction it is.

Following this strong endorsement of what the Bloc Quebecois has been saying, should the signal not be given right away that the federal government got the message and will honour its traditional responsibility of properly financing the health care system, period?

Health November 18th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, according to the author of the health study who presented his findings to the Romanow commission, the provinces are very aware of the coordination problems between the various elements in the health care system, they are trying to remedy the situation, and the arrival of a new player is only making matters worse.

Should the federal government not clearly state that it got the message, that same message we try to get across each time the health issue is raised, and put the question to rest about whether or not it plans to meddle in health care?

Supreme Court of Canada Appointees November 6th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, first, allow me to thank the member for St. Albert for raising this important debate in the House. I think that this is a fundamental issue that deserves to be studied and examined, and we need to come up with solutions to this system that is not as functional as it could be.

To begin with, I agree with the observation made by the member for St. Albert. The current system for appointing judges to the Supreme Court is not transparent, is highly secretive and runs counter to our society's democratic values. At a time when judges wield tremendous powers, particularly with the increasing political role of the courts following the adoption of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, judges exert more and more influence over society.

Unlike superior court judges, who must go through an exhaustive appointment process—information on the process can be found on the Canadian Judicial Council website—there is nothing for appeal court and Supreme Court judges. Judicial appointments to appeal courts for all of the provinces are decided exclusively by the Prime Minister.

There is a very old saying in law: not only must justice be done, it must appear to be done. The current system raises doubts with respect to the appointments that are made. Let me give two example.

Last summer, Marie Deschamps was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Canada by the Prime Minister, and Michel Robert was appointed a judge of the Quebec Court of Appeal. It so happens that Marie Deschamps is the spouse of Paul Corbeil, a former Liberal minister in Quebec City, and Michel Robert was the president of the Liberal Party of Canada from 1986 to 1990.

Let me be clear, I am not saying that Justices Deschamps and Robert are not qualified to perform their duties as judges. I am not saying they do not deserve their appointment. I am just saying that doubt was raised in the minds of many as to why they were appointed. Was it only on the basis of their competence, or was it also—degrees may vary from person to person—because they belonged to the great Liberal family?

I am not alone in thinking this way. The issue was raised by Yves Boisvert, in La Presse on June 28, 2002, as well as by editorial writers in The Gazette on June 29, 2002, in the National Post on July 2, 2002, again in The Gazette on August 10, 2002 and in the Globe and Mail and the London Free Press on the same day. They raised the issue of the Liberal connections of the nominees, because decisions are made behind closed doors and left totally to the discretion of the Prime Minister. And this can only damage the good reputation of our legal system. I therefore agree with what the hon. member for St. Albert said.

I am not sure, though, that his solution is necessarily the right one. I am not sure that having judges appear before the Standing Committee on Justice is the right thing to do. When I asked people around me, who are in the legal profession as I am, many raised the issue of the independence of the judiciary from the legislative branch. I stress that these are doubts shared by many members of the public.

I would suggest the following compromise to my colleague—and I hope he is listening. About a week and a half ago, I introduced motion M-288 in the House. It reads:

That the Standing Committee on Justice and Human rights examine the process of appointing justices to the appeal courts and to the Supreme Court of Canada.

This then is a broader motion than that of my colleague, and one that would not be prejudicial—if I may use that term, in order to make a play on words—to solving the problem of the present lack of transparency in appointments to the judiciary.

I would also point out to him—and I hope he is still listening—that this very day I have asked the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, in the context of a meeting on future business, to examine a motion similar to the one I have read, M-288, so as to have the committee address this matter. The decision will be made Monday in connection with future business.

I suggest that the hon. member for St. Albert tell his colleagues in the Alliance who are members of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, to support my proposal to have that committee examine the procedure for appointing judges to the Appeal Court and to the Supreme Court, and not to prejudge the outcome but rather to allow this question to be looked at with as open a mind as possible . The approach needs to be one of offering constructive solutions so that all members of this House, that is all those who support the present system, as my Liberal colleague has said, as well as those who would like to see changes, might have an open discussion to examine in depth the problem we have before us, a problem that deserves a solution.

Public Safety Act, 2002 November 5th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I would like to begin by congratulating my colleague from Laval Centre. I know the hon. member for Chicoutimi—Le Fjord joins me in expressing our congratulations to her on a well-researched speech full of literary allusions. We know how well read she is.

How does the hon. member explain the repeated refusal of the government to bow to the arguments of the Privacy Commissioner? How does she account for the fact that the proposed changes were much less widespread in the new Bill C-17 than in the bills that she called twins, that is, Bill C-42 and Bill C-55? What would she suggest to improve the bill so that it would be acceptable for all Quebeckers and all Canadians?

Public Safety Act, 2002 November 5th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, it is widely known in political science that the state is the coldest monster on earth. As parliamentarians--and the same applies to all Canadians--we have to ensure that this cold monster never has under its control things that could be prejudicial to the development, the happiness, the security and the rights and freedoms of all Canadians.

Therefore, as soon as we parliamentarians give the state, that is the government or the machinery of government, more power than it needs, our individual rights and freedoms are intrinsically in danger.

Let us see what this means for the average citizen. If people decide to travel out of interest, as tourists, on holidays or on business, travellers for example, just because they often visit certain parts of the world, they will automatically be under a cloud of suspicion.

Let us say, for example, Mr. Speaker, that you have a new girlfriend who lives in a somewhat suspicious country, in the Middle East for instance, and that you visit her quite often. We all know that it is difficult to maintain a long distance love affair, but let us take this example anyway. The mere fact that you are travelling there regularly to visit this person would put you under a cloud of suspicion.

This kind of suspicion, of ready-made opinion, that the state could have on a citizen just because he or she travels to certain parts of the world is but an example. Many other examples could have been chosen or described in relation to the threat Bill C-17 poses to the rights and freedoms of Quebeckers and Canadians, particularly the threat to privacy.

Public Safety Act, 2002 November 5th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I will start by thanking the member for Mercier for her kind words. These kinds of comments are all the more flattering coming from her.

In response to her question, I would say that it is troubling to see that the government is not willing to listen to what an officer of the House, who is independent from the government and reports to Parliament, has to say. Based on his experience, his knowledge and his position as privacy commissioner, when he gives an opinion, he should, without having the last word, be heeded, and heeded well.

It is troubling to know or to learn that the government is totally insensitive to the comments made by the privacy commissioner. It is troubling to see that a government, which is responsible for protecting the rights and freedoms of the people it represents as is the case in any free and democratic society, pays so little attention to the rights and freedoms of Quebeckers and Canadians and ignores the importance of privacy for any individual.

Sometimes it is tempting for a parliamentarian in this House to become cynical, to give up and to say that, in any event, the power is concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister and he makes all the decisions. If he does not want to change the bill, he will not. But sometimes, there is a ray of hope, whether it be the vote that was held earlier this afternoon, which has somewhat loosened the Prime Minister's grip on Parliament, or the fact that the Bloc Quebecois and its allies have managed to get the government to reconsider with, among other things, certain amendments to the previous incarnations of this bill, namely Bill C-55 and Bill C-42.

In conclusion, as a member of the Bloc Quebecois who believes strongly in the rights and freedoms of the people—and this is the basis of our political commitment—I will say that we will do everything possible to get through to the government. We will keep putting pressure on the government to persuade it to back off and to accept the privacy commissioner's arguments, which have also been taken up by the Bloc Quebecois and by many stakeholders across Canada.

Public Safety Act, 2002 November 5th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise today in this debate on Bill C-17, commonly known in the short form as the public safety act, 2002.

I am particularly pleased to address my colleagues and to express my opinion on this bill, because this is a controversial piece of legislation that highlights the lack of vision and leadership of this government in the control of national security, and rightly so. This is in fact the government's third attempt at passing this centrepiece of its rather mixed antiterrorism strategy and response to the terrible events of September 11, 2001, more than one year ago.

The fact of the matter is that a number of political observers have drawn attention to this state of affairs, as have those who oppose the legislative provisions put forward by the government.

The Bloc Quebecois is also against Bill C-17, because it contains provisions that are not well defined and gives intelligence services and the federal police powers that are particularly vague. I will have the opportunity to get into this in greater detail later.

I will divide my remarks into five sections: first, military security zones; second, interim orders; third, information sharing; fourth, amendments to the Immigration Act; and fifth, amendments to the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act.

Let us address the issue of military security zones. The fact that this issue was taken out of the public safety legislation represents for the Bloc Quebecois and individual liberty advocates a very significant victory over a government that was pretty panicked, as we know, following the attacks of September 11, 2001, not by the fear of terrorist attacks on Canada, but rather by American pressure because of the lack of efforts made in previous years in terms of national security.

The Bloc Quebecois said repeatedly that provisions relating to the controlled access military zones posed a very serious threat to the balance that must always exist between security and liberty. My colleague from Argenteuil—Papineau—Mirabel, whose work on this issue I commend, eloquently pointed this out.

These provisions offer the potential for abuse on the part of the government by granting a dangerous discretionary power to the Minister of National Defence. They also had the effect of depriving the citizens who might happen to be within these so-called security perimeters of their most fundamental democratic rights.

As for the declaration of special zones, this measure strikes us as far more reasonable than before. We will, however, be keeping a close eye on developments, will remain extremely vigilant and will be quick to speak out loud and clear if we see anything that seems to be headed toward potential abuse.

It is essential, however, and I stress this point, for no military security zone to be created in Quebec without prior consultation with the Government of Quebec and its approval. Too many bad memories are conjured up by the prospect of abuse by federal bodies within Quebec, in the name of national security. I shall say no more, but I am sure everyone knows what I am referring to.

In its present form, Bill C-17 still maintains the considerable irritants associated with the interim orders.

This third remake of the bill still contains provisions that allow ministers to issue interim orders. Worse still, in at least one case, this extraordinary and very great power is being delegated to departmental officials. Nothing could be more of an irritant.

There are, however, some amendments that represent a step in the right direction. Two relatively minor changes from what was in the previous versions have been made by the government in response to opposition pressures, from the Bloc Quebecois in particular.

The interim order must be tabled in Parliament within 15 days of its being issued. As well, the duration of the order is decreased from 45 to 14 days, that is the length of time it is in effect without cabinet approval.

It goes without saying as well that even the most serious of emergencies cannot justify the route the government wants to take for dealing with major crises. Bill C-17 still contains a provision for the Clerk of the Privy Council not to have to weigh the compatibility of the government's action and the scope of the interim measure against the provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the enabling legislation.

Coming as it does from the government that introduced the charter, this is a rather dramatic paradox, particularly considering the historic role of the Prime Minister of the day.

Of course, and thanks to the pressure exerted by the Bloc Quebecois, notable improvements were found between the first versions of Bill C-42, Bill C-55 and the current version. Unfortunately, what is known as the charter test remains a significant problem and this is all the more regrettable.

We cannot discuss the sensitive issue of public safety and, by extension, national security, without taking a direct look at the purpose and the scope of the powers given to intelligence agencies.

In this regard, the current wording of Bill C-17 allows two individuals, namely the commissioner of the RCMP and the director of CSIS, in addition to the Minister of Transport or a designated agent, to directly obtain from airline companies and operators of seat reservation systems, information on passengers.

This information may be requested if there is an imminent threat to transportation safety or security. As regards the scope of the bill for CSIS, such information may also be requested for investigations relating to threats to Canada's security.

Generally speaking, the information gathered by the RCMP and CSIS is destroyed within seven daysof being obtained or received, unless this information is reasonably necessary to maintain transportation safety, or to investigate a threat to Canada's security.

As members know, on May 6, the privacy commissioner released a document in which he expressed his concerns about Bill C-55 regarding the gathering of information by the RCMP and CSIS.

He had reservations about two provisions that allowed: (a) the RCMP to use personal information on all airline passengers to locate individuals wanted under a warrant for any offence punishable by imprisonment of five years or more; and (b) the RCMP and CSIS to keep personal information on passengers for purposes such as the examination of suspicious travelling habits.

As regards the first point, a number of provisions posed a problem, including the definition of the mandate, the provision allowing the RCMP to gather information to locate individuals subject to an outstanding warrant, and the provision allowing it to disclose this information. The commmissioner suggested that these provisions be eliminated from the bill.

In fact, under the current version, even though the RCMP can no longer collect this type of information, it still has the power to disclose the information obtained through the provisions of the bill to a peace officer, if it has reason to believe it could be of use in the execution of a warrant.

However, it is up to the RCMP to decide at what point a situation may threaten transportation safety, which enables it to access passenger information from an airline. There is no mechanism to control this. It amounts to a blank cheque for the RCMP.

What is more, once the information has been obtained, there is nothing to prevent the RCMP from keeping the information indefinitely if it is reasonably required.

The government tightened the definition of the warrant. In previous versions of this bill, it could be a warrant issued by the government for any offence punishable by imprisonment of five years or more. Now, the definition makes it clear that a regulation will specify to which crimes the provision will apply.

As for the second point, the commissioner expressed serious reservations regarding how long the information could be retained:

The seven day period during which the RCMP and CSIS may keep the information is excessive; 48 hours is adequate.

The fact that the RCMP and CSIS can keep this information indefinitely is of concern. There must be limits.

This is what the privacy commissioner said. However, neither of the two proposed amendments were included.

As a result, on November 1, 2002, the privacy commissioner said that Bill C-17 was a bill that was not satisfactory and that only contained minor changes.

Also, according to the commissioner:

The provision in question, section 4.82 of both bills, would give the RCMP and CSIS unrestricted access to the personal information held by airlines about all Canadian air travellers on domestic as well as international flights.

He added that:

—my concern is that the RCMP would also be expressly empowered to use this information to seek out persons wanted on warrants for Criminal Code offences that have nothing to do with terrorism, transportation security or national security.

Finally, he said that the proposed changes were and still are an insult to the intelligence of Canadians. The changes made to the bill do not address the fundamental issues of principle that are at stake.

The government now proposes to have regulations limiting the Criminal Code offence warrants for which the RCMP will be searching.

But this does nothing to address the fundamental point of principle that the police have no business using this extraordinary access to personal information to search for people wanted on warrants for any offences unrelated to terrorism.

As well, in the new bill the government has removed the “identification of persons for whom a warrant has been issued” as a “purpose” for accessing passenger information under the legislation. But this is meaningless, indeed disingenuous--since the RCMP would remain empowered to match this information against a database of persons wanted on warrants and to use such matches to bring about arrests.

It insults the intelligence of Canadians to suggest, as the government does in its press release accompanying the bill, that the RCMP may incidentally come upon individuals wanted on Criminal Code warrants.

If the police are to match names of passengers against the database of individuals wanted on Criminal Code warrants, there can be nothing incidental about finding them.

Finally, as parliamentarians, we are directly being called upon by the privacy commissioner, and I quote:

Since the original Bill C-55 was introduced, I have used every means at my disposal to make the crucially important privacy issues that are at stake known and understood by all the ministers and top government officials who are involved in this matter. I regret that I have not, to date, been successful in obtaining an appropriate response from them, though I will certainly continue my efforts. It is now up to Parliament to explain to these people that privacy is a fundamental human right of Canadians that must be respected, rather than treated with the apparent indifference that the government is showing.

It goes without saying that the Bloc Quebecois is in total agreement with the privacy commissioner's criticism and that we support him in this regard.

The amendments presented by the government concerning the power of the RCMP and CSIS to gather information on airline passengers are still far too broad. Even if the proposed amendments appear to deal with the bill's obvious flaws, the shortcomings pointed out by the privacy commissioner remain as they were.

In fact, we must keep in mind that the new data bank the RCMP and CSIS will be able to create will be in addition to the new one created by Customs and Revenue, to which both the privacy commissioner and the Bloc Quebecois have objections. More than ever, as my colleagues have already said, it is important to stress that it is true that “big brother is watching you”.

Part 5 of Bill C-17 specifically amends the Department of Citizenship and Immigration Act. Two sections are added, setting out the possibility for the Minister of Immigration to enter into agreements or arrangements with a province, a group of provinces, foreign governments or international organizations.

The purpose of these would be facilitating the formulation, coordination and implementation—including the gathering, use and disclosure of information—of policies and programs for which the minister is responsible.

The proposed amendments do not hold water and seem quite weak to us. Indeed, the bill does not specify anywhere the goals or the scope of the agreements, except for the fact that they would be used to disclose information.

Since we are examining the framework of a bill dealing with the fight against terrorism and national security, and the information in question would be obtained through exceptional means, perhaps it would be appropriate to specify the nature of this information and the reasons for disclosing it.

With this change, the body of the bill would seem less problematic to us. But there is also another reality, just as difficult to control, associated with the very broad regulatory power.

Bill C-17 also contains major changes to the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act. About this part of the bill, we have some particular concerns that deserve to be considered more thoroughly.

Thus, is the objective of the proposed amendments to the bill not precisely to allow the sharing of information that we are condemning in the case of the RCMP and CSIS?

Consequently, for all these reasons, the Bloc Quebecois opposes Bill C-17 in its present form. While it contains some improvements over the previous bills, whether Bill C-55 or Bill C-42, it is obviously incomplete and flawed. It is for the reasons that I just explained that we oppose Bill C-17.

Government Contracts November 4th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, what we want to know from the minister is not whether the contract was awarded to Everest by Public Works Canada; that much we know.

The question is the following: Can the minister sincerely deny there was any intervention by the former Secretary of State for Amateur Sport to ensure that the contact was awarded to Everest, as stated in an e-mail from an official at Canadian Heritage, which he should have read by now?

Government Contracts November 4th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, the Minister of Public Works keeps repeating that his department was the one that ultimately authorized the contract to Everest. That is not the problem; the problem is whether the former Secretary of State for Amateur Sport intervened on behalf of Everest in securing the contract.

Is the Minister of Public Works prepared to rise in his place and state that the former Secretary of State for Amateur Sport did not get involved at any time before Public Works Canada awarded the contract to Everest?