House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was taxes.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Conservative MP for Medicine Hat (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 80% of the vote.

Statements in the House

National Unity May 15th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister has done absolutely nothing with the unity file for the last three years. Yesterday was the first time that he finally summoned up the nerve to tell Canadians that it is not okay for Quebec separatists to mock our Constitution by saying that they will decide if and when they separate.

At every step, the Prime Minister has allowed the separatists to drive the agenda. Now that he has let that happen, what is he going to do to repair the huge damage he has caused? How is he going to get control of the unity agenda?

Liberal Party May 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, it is very encouraging that the Prime Minister is proud of having one free vote in two and a half years. Maybe we are getting somewhere.

It states in the red book: "The erosion of confidence seems to have many causes. Some have to do with the behaviour of certain elected politicians". That would be Sheila Copps who is now campaigning in the bye bye election and the Prime Minister who is obviously in denial.

Since the entire world knows the GST promise has been blown to high heaven, why is the Prime Minister arrogantly denying that he bamboozled Canadians and reneged on his solemn election promise?

Liberal Party May 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the Sun's Christie Blatchford recently wrote for the benefit of the Liberal government: ``Integrity is like virginity. Once lost you cannot get it back again''. Clearly the government lost both a long time ago.

When the Prime Minister said in the last election that he would fulfil every promise he made during the election, did he mean only those he could not weasel out of with billion dollar payoffs? Where is the government's integrity now?

Racism May 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I rise to respond to recent anti-Reform rants from both the Conservative and Liberal leaders.

Has the Tory member forgotten that the late Tory MP Dan McKenzie returned from a trip to South Africa preaching the merits of Apartheid and spouted off that blacks were intellectually inferior to whites in school? Surely that is not the Tory position.

Has he forgotten that in 1991 Tory MP Jack Shields shouted "shut up, sambo" to NDP MP Howard McCurdy, the only black in the House at the time? Is that Tory policy? Mr. Shields was not even stripped of his post. Certainly the silence was deafening from the Tory leader. And what of Bill Kempling and Don Blenkarn?

Have the Liberals forgotten their own Prime Minister who said he appreciated the black members of his caucus because they smile a lot? Is that blatant racial stereotyping Liberal Party policy? Where were the cries of outrage when that was uttered? Imagine if a Reformer had said that.

Every political party has times when its membership makes ill considered remarks. The test of a party's true character lies-

Employment Insurance Act May 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for her question. The member raised the issue of surtaxes on banks and in the same breath spoke of service charges.

I wonder if the hon. member can tell me if she thinks the surtax raised service charges for small businesses or lowered them. Did the proceeds from that surtax get passed on to Canadian taxpayers or did they simply go to fund ever rising interest payments on the debt?

In both cases the consumer got nailed. Those surtaxes came back to people in the form of higher service charges, higher interest rates. That is how the banks made up the difference. Because the federal government has been so slow to pay down its debt and allows anything that comes in in the form of revenue to simply be spent right away, we are paying more because it has waited so long to deal with the debt and the deficit problem.

Employment Insurance Act May 14th, 1996

Hon. members across the way are asking when the minister said that. The minister has said it many times in this House. When the hon. member was a parliamentary secretary and sat closer to the minister he probably heard those things but now that he sits so far away perhaps it just does not get down that far.

The fact is that payroll taxes kill jobs and hon. members across the way know it. Unfortunately, they are ignoring their own advice and are bringing in payroll taxes on people who are the most vulnerable in the job market today: youth and women who work part time. This bill is going to be a job killer.

I want to draw attention to a television program that was on CTV a couple of weeks ago. The program spoke about the difference between the unemployment insurance systems in Canada and the United States. It considered two very comparable economies, those of New Brunswick and Maine. In both cases we are talking about economies with lots of seasonal work. In both places there is work in forestry during one period, work in fishing during another period, some construction work and maybe some type of handyman labour and those sorts of things. However, throughout the year there is not a lot of full time employment.

It was very interesting that in exploring the differences between these two economies it was found that in New Brunswick there was a very high level of unemployment. However, in Maine which had almost the identical economy there was a very low level of unemployment.

The reporter quizzed government officials and employers about the unemployment insurance systems. It was found that Canada's unemployment insurance system is much richer and provides much better benefits than the U.S. system. The result is that New Brunswick now has what I can only call structural unemployment as do certainly many other places in the country. In the United States, Maine has far less than half the unemployment rate for an almost identical economy.

When the reporter asked some of the workers in Maine what the difference was, they pointed out that not only did they have very few benefits as compared to Canada, but the system was more experience rated. For instance, if employers laid people off they would pay higher premiums next time around. What happened is the employers kept people on even in their down periods because they knew that if they did not, they would pay higher premiums. This is not exactly a great revelation. It makes perfect sense to me but somehow that logic has escaped the government.

It showed an example of a large department store in Maine where traditionally people would have been laid off in slow periods, but in this case they were painting, doing work around the store that as clerks they would not normally do because the employer did not want to pay the higher premiums. The point being the current system rewards employers who lay off people. That is ridiculous. It makes absolutely no sense.

Again I make the argument that although these reforms make the current system mildly better in so far as they do not provide a great a reward for laying people off, they still go in the wrong direction.

It is time to separate the unemployment insurance system from the idea of a social welfare scheme. We need a true insurance system. That is the way we must go. If we did that we would not have nearly the problems we have today. If that were done we would have a system that would reward employers for keeping people on the job and a system which would reward employees for staying on the job even when it sometimes looks like it may be more profitable to collect from a social program.

In this case if we had true insurance people would know that incentive has been removed and it would no longer be more profitable for them to go on to a government system. We very much disagree with the direction this legislation is taking.

Clyde Wells, the premier of Newfoundland, pointed out the current system had created a generation which has become dependent on unemployment insurance. The situation in Newfoundland is interesting and in another sense it is tragic because there is a generation of people who have come to rely on unemployment. I hope it is instructive for people in this place who are trying to design new systems that will lead to more employment.

The premier of that province acknowledged the system does not work. When we look at Newfoundland today and we see all those people who are on unemployment, has it not become obvious that no matter how good a hair dresser is in Newfoundland, no matter how much training they get, they simply will not get a job if there are no jobs available?

The finance committee heard from a person from the Gaspé region where there is 33 per cent unemployment, a social tragedy in the Gaspé region. Has it not become obvious the current system does not work when there are levels of unemployment that high? Is it not obvious that when people are kept in one place because of a system perhaps they are being denied opportunity, denying them the hope they deserve as Canadian citizens? That is absolutely ridiculous.

Clearly the solution is not in how we attempted to solve the problems of the past. That caused the problems. The solution is something different. It is time to move forward and get away from this system and go to a true insurance system.

In the 1930s many people in Alberta had to leave the land. There are special areas in the province where people had to abandon their farms because there was simply no way they could grow anything.

They left because it did not make sense to stay anymore. They went where the jobs were. That makes absolute sense to me.

However, the current system acts against that natural impulse. People naturally are drawn to where there are jobs. If we pay them to stay where they are, do not be surprised if they respond to that incentive. That is what this legislation does. It give them incentive to remain where they are. I do not blame the people for taking it. I blame governments for offering it in the first place. That is ridiculous.

We have that problem in my part of the country as well. Perhaps it is not as pronounced as it is in some parts of Atlantic Canada or Quebec, but we have the same problem.

The point is, no matter where the incentive is offered, people are people and they will respond to that incentive. Let us not continue to hold people back. Let us not continue to stifle their potential. Let us create an employment insurance program that is truly an insurance program, that is experience rated, that rewards people for continuing to be employed, that provides a disincentive for people to give up their jobs.

It is the responsibility of the government to create an environment for employment. One of the things the government decidedly has not done is create an environment for employment. It is little known but it is a fact that since this government came to power it has brought in revenue measures and tax increases amounting to over $10.5 billion. That is an amazing amount of money to take out of people's pockets. That kills jobs. That kills all kinds of opportunities for Canadians. That cannot continue.

Hon. members opposite are concerned about this. They should be. It is killing jobs. The hon. member opposite is obviously concerned about $10.5 billion coming out of the pockets of his constituents and Canadians generally.

The finance minister said payroll taxes kill jobs. I will expand on that. All taxes kill jobs. The more money taken from the taxpayers, the less they have to save. Those savings would ultimately go to creating new opportunities in the form of new business. The less money they have, the less money they have to spend on goods and services. Therefore there are not as many jobs for people in those industries. The hon. member opposite is complaining that his government is raising taxes. I do not blame him.

The finance minister the other day said "we did not raise any taxes in the last budget". If we stick to the letter of the law he was right. He raised some after it. He raised all kinds of revenue through various measures which amounted to billions of dollars. The new GST changes will exact approximately $1 billion from people in the form of a new tax or the removal of the input credit on used goods, something that constitutes $60 billion to $80 billion a year in the economy. That will take money out of people's pockets. That kills jobs.

There are all kinds of things the government can do to stop killing jobs and to start creating jobs. It has to stop raising taxes. It has to start moving toward a balanced budget, and not at a snail's pace. It has to announce a date. All the provinces have either balanced their budgets or at least have a plan to balance their budgets. The federal government has not even announced a date. It has not even acknowledged there is a problem.

If people judge the strength of the finance minister and the government by their ability to wrestle down the deficit, these guys come in dead last. They are weak kneed. They cannot meet the challenges.

We say to people to get on the government. Tell it that it has to balance its budget. Tell it that it has to start dealing with the deficit and debt.

One of the things that has to happen when the budget is finally balanced is that the government will have to start lowering taxes. Ontario is lowering taxes. Alberta is lowering taxes. Saskatchewan and Manitoba are lowering taxes. All the provinces are lowering taxes. They are creating jobs. What is the federal government doing? It is killing jobs. It is raising taxes. It is destroying opportunity.

The bill is only the tip of iceberg. Not only is the bill a bad piece of legislation, we say the government has not done the other things which need to be done to create jobs.

We say to the government that its challenge is not to tinker with Bill C-12, its challenge is not to tinker with unemployment insurance, its challenge is to fix it. Quit fooling around and create an employment system which will actually provide incentive for people to go out and get jobs instead of killing incentive. The government's challenge is to balance the budget and to lower taxes. That is what Canadians want and that is what they deserve.

Employment Insurance Act May 14th, 1996

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to Bill C-12.

It is amusing to hear the back and forth between the Bloc and Liberal members as they talk about the changes to unemployment insurance. It is particularly amusing to hear Bloc members complain about how much they will lose. I would ask them to consider how much they would lose if and when they decide to leave the country completely. It would certainly be a lot more than they could afford to give themselves considering the kind of financial shape they would be in on their own.

I will offer some constructive criticism of Bill C-12. People across the country are very concerned about the whole issue of employment, without a doubt. There is no question it is one of the most important issues in the country today. The government spoke about it during the election campaign when it promised to create jobs, jobs, jobs. It is a commitment Canadians are waiting for it to fulfil.

One of the main concerns we have with this legislation is that it goes in the wrong direction. Granted, it does not go as far as the previous legislation went in the wrong direction, but it is still going in the wrong direction. We have a concern about that.

We say that we should not treat unemployment insurance as a type of social program. Unfortunately, the current legislation does exactly that. We say that it is bad for the country. We say it is bad for employment prospects for people. We say it is bad because it does not give people the type of hope they need and deserve. We are very concerned about that.

It is time to change the complete direction of unemployment insurance, which I will discuss in more detail in a moment. I will talk about why we want to go to a different plan by looking at the history of unemployment insurance in this country.

Going back to 1971-72, that is when regionally extended benefits first came into being. I would argue it is not sheer coincidence that at the time those changes came in, unemployment began to creep up and up. Until about 1971 or at least the late sixties, Canada had about the same unemployment rate as the United States. It was very low, in the range of between 3 per cent and 5 per cent. Shortly after those benefits were introduced, those two unemployment rates began to diverge. The Canadian rate went much higher while the American rate stayed about the same.

As the finance department has borne out, my point is that quite obviously when there are rich benefits which essentially reward people for remaining idle, we should not be surprised if people respond to those incentives by becoming idle. Do not be surprised if they do not run out and look for a job. Do not be surprised if they stay somewhere where there is no work. For me that is absolutely sensible. I am not at all surprised it happens.

I do not think we should be surprised when we bring in timid measures, such as we have today, that it will not really have an appreciable effect on unemployment. In fact, I do not think this legislation is going to create jobs at all. I would argue that this legislation will kill jobs.

One of the concerns we have with this legislation is that premiums will have to be paid by part time workers. People who work less than 15 hours per week will be paying premiums, as will employers.

Consider that one of the biggest job killers in the country today, which the finance minister has said over an over again, is payroll taxes. There are going to be payroll taxes for the very people who are feeling the pinch the most, those trying to get into the workforce. Young Canadians and very often women who work part time are the ones who are going to have their jobs threatened because the government is insisting on bringing in premiums for part time workers.

The finance minister has said repeatedly: "That is a job killer, that is a job killer, that is a job killer". Of course it is going to kill jobs. Absolutely.

Taxation May 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I am surprised the government is not planning to compensate Quebec, given how free it has been with taxpayers' money with respect to Atlantic Canada.

The truth of this Liberal GST fiasco is that consumers are going to end up footing the bill. New Brunswick is planning to create a new business tax to make up for the harmonization shortfall. Nova Scotia has already boosted its corporate taxes. Newfoundland said that it plans to make up the revenue somehow.

The government can saw it in half, can pull it out of a hat, can try to make it disappear, but the truth is that this harmonization plan is bad for consumers. When will the minister admit that it is not revenue neutral and it will cost billions in higher prices and higher taxes for Canadians?

Taxation May 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, it is a tax grab and it is that simple.

I want to ask the minister about her views on Quebec's plans to present the federal government with a $500 million bill for the costs incurred when Quebec harmonized its sales tax. It is Quebec's opinion that if the government can find a billion dollars for Atlantic Canada, then it can find half a billion dollars for it.

My question is for the same minister. Is it the intention of the federal government to compensate Quebec for its harmonization costs?

Taxation May 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, to get itself out of the GST mess the government has concocted an illusion that would put Doug Henning to shame. It said consumers would be getting a break with the new Liberal GST, but up one sleeve was a billion dollar payout and up the other was a whole arsenal of new tax powers that gave the provinces room to raise taxes in the future.

The Minister of National Revenue said it would be revenue neutral. When is she going to admit that consumers in Atlantic Canada and across the country are going to be paying through the teeth for this broken Liberal promise?