Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was terms.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as NDP MP for Regina—Qu'Appelle (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 32% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, that is Liberal mathematics. I do not think the Canadian people will believe him on that. Once again I tell him about the fiscal record of the Saskatchewan government. The experience speaks for itself.

Here is a government that was left with a humongous deficit, a humongous debt that was run up over nine short years by a very conservative government, very similar to some of the Reform Party folks today, similar to the Mulroney government the Liberal member opposite supports.

It turned this around within two short years. We are the first government in Canada provincially to balance the budget. We have now had five successive balanced budgets.

One can be fiscally responsible and progressive at the same time. That is exactly what has happened in the Saskatchewan NDP governments, the CCF governments. That is now what is going to happen in places like Great Britain with Tony Blair.

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

The member from British Columbia laughs but the NDP governments, the CCF governments, going back to 1944 in Saskatchewan, have always balanced their budgets. The member knows that.

It is his friends in the Conservative Party, the Grant Devine government, who ran up in nine short years the largest per capita debt in the country, even higher than Newfoundland. It is his friends. They were the reformers of the day who ran up the debts. It was the Brian Mulroney Conservatives who ran up the debts, the friends of the Reform Party, the fiscal conservatives.

If we want to learn something about being responsible financially, look at the history of the CCF-NDP in Saskatchewan. It was always balancing budgets and at the same time had the most progressive social and economic legislation anywhere in North America.

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I do not know if the member knows his political history very well, but I certainly would agree 100% with what Tony Blair has said. That has been the whole legacy of the Government of Saskatchewan for example. If we go back to 1944 in Saskatchewan when Tommy Douglas was elected, Saskatchewan always had a balanced budget. There was always a fiscal responsibility there. It is the same thing in the 11 years of Allan Blakeney. With the current government of Roy Romanow Saskatchewan was the first province in modern times to balance its budget. Saskatchewan also has the second lowest per capita spending in terms of government costs in Canada.

We have come from a legacy in our party of being very responsible with taxpayer money. It has been Conservatives over the years—

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

I am not sure what the question was, Mr. Speaker. I was interested in whether the member might have a comment on the really radical change in terms of the conservative direction of this government. Most commentators have said this government is continuing on with the policies of Brian Mulroney: GST, trade deals, deregulation, privatization and on and on. Those are many of things the Liberals campaigned against in 1993, campaigned against in 1988 and yet those policies are the continuity of Brian Mulroney.

I saw him, as I said, on television a while ago saying that he is very pleased that his policies have been endorsed by the present government. They have been carried on.

What I am saying now is we have a balanced budget in this country. It is time again to have a government that is more activist on behalf of ordinary people and more progressive on behalf of ordinary people. The government has not hestitated to be activist on behalf of capital, in terms of the trade deals, in terms of the World Trade Organization, in terms of the banking system, the regulation of banks and so on in this country. So why not be activist on behalf of ordinary people?

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

No.

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I wish to say a few words on the budget bill which is before the House. My comments will be fairly brief.

Like every other Canadian, I am pleased that we now have the first budget in 29 years that is balanced from a fiscal point of view. I do of course question some of the methods that were used to balance that budget. I am sure the member who has just spoken is also concerned about the tremendous cutback in social programs to give but one example. He comes from northern Ontario and I am sure that those cutbacks have hit very hard.

In terms of the transfers in education and health to the provinces, his good friend the premier of Ontario, Mike Harris, of course is cutting back radically and severely all throughout northern Ontario. That affects the constituents of my friend from Algoma who has just taken his seat in the House. I am sure he too is concerned about some of the methods that are used to cut back on social programs in this country to achieve a fiscally balanced budget.

I am also concerned about some of the other directions we are going in our society. I want to say a few words about that. I remember growing up in this country and seeing the evolution of activism in terms of the government, when we had very activist governments at the provincial and the federal levels. The Pearson days and the Trudeau days. I can go on to more recent times and talk about provincial governments in Alberta under the premiership of Peter Lougheed. That government was very activist in terms of programs for ordinary people.

That seems to have come to an end. Activism for the welfare state and social programs seems to have come to an end. We have been told by neoconservatives it is very passé and that there is not really a role for governments today. That type of activism is gone.

Thinking about it more and more, there is a certain kind of government activism that is very much alive and kicking, not just in this country but around the world. It is not an activism that creates a welfare state in terms of social programs and more equality for ordinary people. It is the kind of activism that creates a welfare state for the large multinational corporations and creates what might be called the corporate welfare bums of the world.

I think here of the trade deals that governments have negotiated on behalf of capital. The World Trade Organization, the WTO. The free trade agreement with the United States. NAFTA which brings in Mexico. I also think of the multilateral agreement on investment, the MAI. All these things are charters. I guess one could say they are charters for investment or charters for capital, or charters for business in this country.

It is the activism of governments around the world that has provided this kind of strong governmental support for capital in the world. We also see all kinds of other examples where there still is government activism for large corporations but not for people.

Investment houses and bankers around the world are very much in favour of strong central banks that are regulated, that can set interest rates and make all kinds of monetary decisions that are extremely important. They are very much in favour of these banks that are removed from political control, that are almost acting as independent agencies.

This new kind of government activism is not for ordinary people, it is for capital and it is much less democratic. It is also international in nature. That is the kind of evolution we have been seeing. The government is very much part of that.

I remember the campaign in 1993 when the now Prime Minister crossed the country saying “Elect me as Prime Minister and I will tear up NAFTA, I will negotiate NAFTA”. He was saying the free trade agreement was not very good. Back in 1988 the then leader of the Liberal Party was talking about tearing up the trade deal. What has happened to that Liberal Party?

The member from Algoma was here in those days working as a valuable assistant to a friend of mine who was his predecessor. He was very involved in those days in fighting the NAFTA deal and fighting the free trade deal with the United States. He was concerned about the giving up of our sovereignty. But all of a sudden that short distance across the aisle which is two sword lengths away has completely changed the orientation of the Liberal Party. It has taken on the mantle of Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party. That is what has happened to the Liberal Party across the way.

I saw Mulroney on television a few months ago. He said he was quite pleased with the Liberal government across the way. He said “After all, it has implemented and carried on with most of my policies”. I know you agree with that, Mr. Speaker. The Liberals are sitting back there smiling. They are in total agreement with this.

There is nothing wrong with the Liberals doing that if they had been honest with the electorate beforehand and told the people “We think Brian Mulroney is doing the right thing. We think he is doing a courageous thing. He is a fantastic prime minister in terms of his policies. Elect us and we will do exactly the same thing and we will do it faster than the Brian Mulroney government can do it”. That is exactly what has happened.

The GST is another policy. I remember the Liberals talking about getting rid of the GST, killing the GST. The now Minister of Canadian Heritage was jumping over desks in a committee room going after Conservative ministers for bringing in the terrible GST and talking about the trade deals, that it was a horrible thing that was happening in our country.

Here we are a few short years later. These same Liberals who are now hanging their heads in shame across the way are those who are supporting these Mulroney policies and perpetrating those Mulroney policies on the people of this country.

The old saying is that the more things change, the more they remain the same. All we have are different personalities and in many ways a government now that is more conservative than the Brian Mulroney government of 1984 to 1993. Many of the things that the Liberals are now doing the Mulroney government could not have done politically. The Liberals in opposition at that time would have risen in the House and organized an opposition that would have prevented the government from acting.

This is the kind of trend which is happening. We see this trend toward more and more government activism for the large corporations and large capital in this country at the expense of many small business people. We see this trend toward activism for large corporations in the way they are starting to structure some of their programs.

An example is the Foundation for Innovation. It is handing out some $800 million worth of grants to companies for research and development and for innovative projects. Again, who is doing that? A board of unelected business people is making the determination as to who gets that money.

There is the millennium fund. Again a board primarily of business people will be determining who gets the $2.5 billion.

There are the changes to the Canada pension plan and the setting up of an independent investment arm of that pension plan that will soon have assets of over $100 million. Guess who will be on the board? Again, members of the big business community will make determinations about those investments. Once again it is activism on behalf of large corporations in this country and around the world. That is what is happening in Canada.

We are not seeing that same kind of activism when it comes to ordinary people. We have Liberals across the way who used to be progressive. The member from Toronto used to be very progressive at one time. But I do not see him up in the House talking about tax fairness for example and looking at a Tobin tax on international currency transactions. Those are the things the Liberals used to talk about in their opposition days.

The Tobin tax is named after James Tobin, an economist who won a Nobel prize. He had an idea that we should have a small tax on international currency transactions. This should be discussed among the leaders of the G-7 or the OECD. Yet where is our Minister of Finance and where is our Prime Minister in terms of leadership, in terms of trying to bring about this kind of a financial transaction?

We are seeing a real evolution in the world. Maybe for the first time we can do some of these progressive things. The Europeans have finally thrown off this yoke of conservatism, of Thatcherism and Reaganism. They have elected social democratic governments, like Tony Blair in Great Britain and Lionel Jospin in France.

Lionel Jospin is the long-time leader of the Socialist Party in France.

He is not a liberal; he is a democratic socialist leader. There is a social democratic alliance in Italy. I predict in September of this year for the first time in 17 years that great friend of the Liberal Party, Chancellor Kohl in Germany is going to lose to a social democrat.

For the first time in European history there will be social democratic governments in the four largest countries in Europe, all of them with 60 million people or more. Those progressive governments are being elected in Europe.

I say to the government across the way, why does it not take the initiative now and start talking with our allies around the world about an international tax on currency speculation and currency transactions, the Tobin tax. That is a way of getting billions of dollars around the world to distribute to poor people, to create more equality, to look after disasters like the one in Chernobyl, or big floods, and to help take pressure off some of our social programs.

That is something we can do, but we can only do that internationally. There has been a great change in the world in the last 10 or 15 years. The power of the nation state is diminishing very quickly. In its place are international agreements which are basically there for capital and for large investors.

The same kind of government activism and government intervention that is creating a haven or a charter for international capital should be done in terms of creating a covenant for people and a covenant for social programs that is international as well. We can do that if we have the political will and the political determination.

We can do it in terms of a minimum standard for social programs around the world and in terms of labour standards and in terms of environmental standards. We can do it on the revenue side by looking at the possibility of a Tobin tax which is a tax on international currency transactions. These are the kinds of things we could do if we had a more progressive government that was interested in intervention and activism and a positive role on behalf of ordinary people and not just on behalf of its friends like Conrad Black and the huge investors in the multinational corporations around the world.

That is the main point I wanted to make. We now have in our country a balanced budget. We are now going to be turning another leaf. We are now going to be opening another chapter of the book of Canadian history. What we have had in the last few years is the transformation of the Liberal Party of Canada into the great Conservative Party of Canada in terms of the legacy of Brian Mulroney and his Conservative government.

The books are now balanced. There was a Liberal convention in the city just last weekend. Rank and file Liberal delegates are concerned about the right wing conservative direction of the government across the way. They want to make health care a priority. They are concerned about the MAI. They are concerned about the proposed merger of two of our three largest banks. They are concerned about this right wing drift of the Liberal Party.

I am sure there are Liberal backbenchers who feel the same way. Why do they not get up in this House and start talking about a progressive agenda for the people of the country? An activist government once again that will be an activist government for ordinary people and not just an activist government for multinational corporations.

I am interested to see whether or not Liberals across the way might have some comments or questions and whether or not they will have the courage to question the leadership of the Prime Minister who all of a sudden has changed from red to blue and is dressed in Conservative clothing.

The Senate March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister could easily decide not to appoint a senator and bring a resolution before this House as the first step toward the abolition of the other place. If he does that, he would have the support of our party, he would have the support of several premiers and the support of the Canadian people.

Instead, he wants to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to renovate the Parliament Buildings, millions of that to move the senators to a temporary home and renovate the Senate. Why not save that money, bring in a motion to abolish the other place and do it now?

The Senate March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, Andrew Thompson has finally said adios and bid goodbye to the Senate in order to collect his pension. Instead of using talk about Senate reform as an excuse for not acting, I want to ask the Prime Minister the following question.

Why not seize the opportunity of this vacancy, which now creates a vacancy in the upper house, and announce today that he will not be filling this vacancy as the first step toward the abolition of the unelected, unaccountable Senate of this country?

Supply March 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I want to make a comment and preface that with a short question for the House leader of the Conservative Party.

What I resent about this debate is the Reform Party playing politics with a very important national symbol of this country. I think that can be very dangerous in terms of the flag waving and the political games it is playing. Let us really call it what it is. It is the Reform Party wanting to go around the country after this is over and say “We stood up to those terrible separatists. We stood up for the flag and for Canada but those other parties did not”. That is exactly what it wants to do.

The Reform members are smirking here this morning because they are going to have the four other parties voting against this motion. This is the most pathetic partisan politics I have ever seen. It is an abuse of the flag and of our national symbols. I really resent that. I have never seen that happen in all my years in this House.

What about games? Who was it in this House who threw the flag on the floor of the House of Commons? Was it a separatist? No. It was the member for Medicine Hat, the Reform Party finance critic, who threw the flag on the floor of the House of Commons. If that is not playing politics with the flag then what the devil is it?

Who was it that took an old convertible and painted it the colours of the Canadian Flag? Was it a member of the Conservative Party, the NDP or the Liberal Party? Who was it? The Reform Party. It is the Reform Party that is using the flag as a gimmick, as a narrow partisan instrument for its narrow partisan political beliefs.

Reformers are trying to divide Canadians, be divisive, pit Canadian against Canadian. I resent that as someone who has been in this House for a number of years. I have never seen this kind of gamemanship in the history of the House of Commons. That comes from a political party that said it wanted to do politics differently, bring decorum to the House of Commons. We are seeing the true Reform Party in this House of Commons here today. When I am out in my riding, as I was last weekend, people are saying to me why do we not talk about the real issues, the real issues confronting all Canadian people.

This Parliament costs over $1 million a day in terms of sitting days to run. The budget of the House of Commons is over $200 million a year. We sit for approximately 140 or 150 days per year, over $1 million a day. The Reform Party is wasting that kind of money trying to divide Canadians by being partisan with the flag of Canada. I resent that and I want to have a comment from the House leader of the Conservative Party whether he agrees with me that it is narrow partisan politics on the flag and a waste of money. We should be dealing with real issues of this country.

Competition Act March 16th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for his fine speech. I want to ask him if he could be a little more precise and elaborate a bit more on why he thinks the Competition Act is not strong enough today to deal with the bank merger which we face in this country.

I repeat that these two banks have a stock market value of around $40 billion. They are very large. They have assets of $453 billion. By far and away this is the largest proposed merger in the history of the country. The largest merger before this involved some $14 billion, if I am not mistaken, which was the merger of TransCanada Pipelines and another gas company.

I would like him to elaborate a bit more as to why he thinks the Competition Bureau and the Competition Act are not strong enough to deal with this merger. I certainly do not think it is. I believe we have to strengthen it. With the existing legislation it would just get snowed under.

I think it is very important that he elaborate on this very important point.