House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was liberal.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Conservative MP for West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast (B.C.)

Won his last election, in 2004, with 35% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Immigration May 14th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

On Tuesday in answer to my question concerning a Vancouver immigration consultant who faces 18 criminal charges, the minister said that she had mechanisms in the Immigration Act to deal with this individual. Will the minister immediately seek an injunction to stop this evil man from the further counselling of unsuspecting would be immigrants via the Internet? Will the minister immediately bring in legislation to license all immigration consultants?

Questions On The Order Paper May 13th, 1998

With respect to the selection of the “Van Doos”, as the honour guard at the recent APEC Conference held in Vancouver November 23 to November 26, 1997: ( a ) why was the originally selected honour guard the Seaforth Highlanders rejected and replaced by the “Van Doos” ( b ) how many individuals including the actual honour guard were included in the “Van Doos” entourage; ( c ) what was the total cost of airfare for transporting the “Van Doos” and their entourage to and from Vancouver; ( d ) what was the total cost of accommodation for the “Van Doos” and their entourage; ( e ) where did the actual “Van Doo” regiment stay in Vancouver and where did the entourage stay and for how long; ( f ) what was the total cost for food and other expenses for the “Van Doos” and their entourage; ( g ) what was the average working day, in hours, for the “Van Doo” regiment members and the remainder of the entourage?

Immigration May 12th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

A Vancouver immigration consultant, Iraj Rezaei, is facing 18 charges ranging from passport forgery to counselling false refugee claims, to threatening and assault. While he awaits trial he continues to counsel unsuspecting immigrants via his new website on the Internet.

Has the minister asked the Minister of Justice to seek an injunction to stop this evil man from practising his fraudulent trades?

Questions Passed As Orders For Returns May 5th, 1998

With respect to the report of the Legislative Review Advisory Group, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, released January 6, 1998, could the Minister please provide: ( a ) the names of all individuals, groups, associations, inside and outside of government, that were consulted in the preparation of this report; and ( b ) the names of the individuals, groups and associations, and their addresses, that comprised the 500 written submissions received.

(Return tabled)

Dna Identification Act May 4th, 1998

It is now nice that we have a few Liberals in the House, including the hundreds of thousands who are listening out their in the audience.

I was quoting Judge Bisson and his conclusions. He said that therefore, the guaranteed rights of a person by the charter having been infringed, the legislation would have been invalidated because section 1 of the charter could not save such legislation, the prerequisites having not been met. There was no equation to be made between the confirmed validity of the taking of fingerprints upon arrest and the taking also upon arrest without judicial authorization of bodily samples. Fingerprinting was not a search and seizure but the taking of bodily samples was and as such should not be performed without the greatest safeguards, the first of them being judicial intervention.

This is where I totally disagree with these judges. They are taking a position that there is a difference here. When people are arrested the police take fingerprints. Their fingers are placed on a piece of dirty stuff and then pressed on a piece of paper. They are kept on record and stay there whether or not they are convicted. From then on, if they are ever arrested in the future, the fingerprints will be on file.

They talk about this being an intrusion. They can take a DNA sample by a simple Q-tip on a person's tongue. They do not have to stick a needle in and draw blood. There are lots of ways to do DNA samples. What intrusion is that in anybody's system? When people are arrested they should be happy to have that done because they will be part of the system from now on and if they ever do it again we will easily catch them.

For people to be fighting this, I just do not understand.

It is great to bring in this legislation, but let us make sure it is going to work. There are literally thousands of unsolved rape and murder cases in this country. With the DNA samples of people in prisons right now we can solve some of those crimes immediately. The police know that, the people of Canada know that, so why do we have legislation that protects these criminals instead of bringing peace of mind to parents who have lost their children? People have lost family members and we have unsolved crimes.

I go back to the case I was talking about before. That man is going to go on trial for murder while an innocent person has already served time in jail. This man will be proven guilty by DNA. If we had his DNA 15 years ago we would not have had this miscarriage of justice.

I am sure we will have a chance to talk about this over and over again before the bill is passed. It is extremely important that the government look at this bill and accept some of the amendments being put forth by the opposition. I know from talking to some members on the other side that the same feeling comes from them. We are going to keep talking about this bill until we get some proper changes before the legislation is passed in the House.

Dna Identification Act May 4th, 1998

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to talk to report stage of Bill C-3, an act respecting DNA identification, and to make consequential amendments to the Criminal Code and other acts.

We are now looking at Group No. 2 which includes Motions Nos. 4, 6 and 13. As my colleague has just said we oppose all three of these amendments.

The amendment indicates that the entire convicted offenders index will be destroyed. We support the bill in its intent, but changes need to be made to make sure it is an effective bill that will work for the police forces and the people of Canada, which is the most important point. When fingerprints are taken they are never destroyed. When blood type is taken upon birth it is never destroyed. Why anybody would want to do anything that would destroy an index of DNA is beyond me and the people in my party.

Motion No. 6 also put forward by the Bloc would destroy the bodily substances. It is very important, especially with the new science of today, that we do not destroy anything in our possession. There have been too many examples in the last few years of people who have been convicted on DNA evidence. Crimes have been solved after people have spent years in jail because with the new technology that has come along we have managed to prove who really committed the crime.

There is a case before the courts now where a gentleman spent a lot of his life in jail. Now somebody who was suspected at the time is now to be charged with the crime, will have to face the courts and the people, and will probably be convicted of a crime that he committed many years ago. If we had had the DNA evidence and material, the innocent person would never have gone to jail and the guilty person would have been convicted a long time ago. Certainly we have to make sure we maintain the substances taken from people. We obviously oppose Motion No. 13 which is part of this section.

When I look at the motions put forward in this section, I see that the government received some legal opinions from three former judges. We do not quite know how it hand-picked the judges. As we all know, when we are dealing with lawyers we can get an opinion from anyone we want. It depends on how much we want to pay for it and whom we want to go to. I would like to know who they were, as all three of these judges were unanimous in their decision in this case as to what can and cannot be done according to the Constitution.

I quoted Mr. Taylor, QC, in a previous talk earlier today on some other motions and I would like to quote his conclusion. He said:

It follows that I am of the opinion that legislative extension of police authority authority under Bill C-3 to sanction the taking of DNA samples without judicial warrant in the case of persons charged or arrested but not tried and convicted would be held contrary to the guarantees contained in one or more of ss. 7, 8 and 11(d) of the Charter, would not be saved by s. 1 of the Charter, and would therefore be found unconstitutional and of no force or effect under s. 52 of the Constitution Act, 1982.

The reference in the last line was to the Constitution Act, 1982. It gave the judges a lot more power than I believe they ever should have. I believe the Parliament of Canada should make the laws instead of the judges in the Supreme Court of Canada and the other courts in Canada.

What I find interesting about the statements that the former judge makes in this report to the government and some of the motions that are before the House is that right now blood samples are taken. Before I go into that I would like to read another conclusion by a former judge and then I can tie it together with the three motions we are talking about here. They make some very interesting points. Mr. Bisson, in his conclusion, says “I would conclude as follows: an enactment authorizing upon a person—”

Dna Identification Act May 4th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I do not think we have quorum in the House.

Dna Identification Act May 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Reform Party is firmly committed to restoring confidence in our justice system and to providing Canadians with a true sense of security. This includes strengthening our law enforcement agencies by providing them with the latest technological tools to quickly detect and apprehend the perpetrators of the most violent crimes in society today.

DNA identification is that kind of tool. If it is used to its full potential, the DNA databank could be the single most important development in fighting crime since the introduction of fingerprints. To deny our police the full use of this technology in their fight against crime, as Bill C-3 in its present form does, is reprehensible and unacceptable because it maintains an unnecessary level of risk to the lives and safety of our citizens.

Bill C-3, an act respecting DNA identification, if passed unamended would provide Canadians with a false sense of security. Therefore the Reform Party cannot support this inadequate piece of legislation. The Reform Party fully supports the creation of the DNA databank. We do not however support the limited scope of Bill C-3.

Bill C-3 does not grant our police forces full use of the DNA technology so readily at their disposal, a tool that would help close hundreds of unsolved murders and rapes with the enormous potential to save lives by removing the predators from our streets.

Bill C-3 does not allow for the taking of a DNA sample at the time of charge. It does not permit samples to be taken from incarcerated criminals other than designated dangerous offenders, multiple sex offenders and multiple murderers. Bill C-3 does however provide a dangerous and unnecessary exemption authorizing judges not to issue warrants for the taking of a sample if they believe in doing so the impact on the individual's privacy and security would be grossly disproportionate to the public interest and the protection of society.

There are hundreds of unsolved assaults, rapes and homicides where DNA evidence has been left at the scene by the perpetrator. DNA identification now offers an unparalleled opportunity to solve many of these cases and bring the perpetrators to justice. However, because of the government's irrational fear of violating the privacy rights of those responsible for heinous crimes, it is restricting the use of this very important technology by our law enforcement.

As it stands now Bill C-3 is a hindrance to more effective law enforcement and a safer society. Those responsible for shaping our justice system continue to express a willingness to place the lives and safety of innocent people in jeopardy. Whether by paroling violent offenders who go on to rape and murder again, or by freeing convicted violent offenders through conditional sentencing, or by tying our police officers' hands through Bill C-3, the safety of society is a secondary issue to the Liberal government.

In the newspaper this morning the solicitor general was quoted as saying that we have a terrible problem in Canada with terrorists and people who are here causing real problems. He is to get a lot of police work going to try to solve this problem. He should talk to his colleague in immigration who is letting them come through the border because of poor laws that have been set up. We listened to a supreme court which allows in people who come to our border saying they are refugees. Then we find out later they are terrorists. The bill is the same type of thing as that.

We have a bill that will not do the job. Our party will oppose Motion No. 1. We think it is an unnecessary amendment.

We support Motion No. 2, which is an NDP motion. The amendment precludes private agencies and labs from taking samples. It creates public standards and better accuracy in testing quality. The government should look at this amendment.

We oppose Motion No. 3 which is supposed to safeguard against wrong people assessing the DNA databank. We oppose Motion No. 4 which indicates that the entire convicted offenders index will be destroyed. There may have been a problem with the English translation of this amendment. We oppose Motion No. 5 because we believe there is no need for a three year review.

The Conservative House leader raised the issue of legal opinions sought by the government on the bill. I wonder if we could find out where the government picked the justices from to get opinions. I know there are other opinions within the legal profession that certainly disagree with the three opinions obtained by the government with regard to the issue of blood alcohol sampling comparison.

I will read from page 6, section (b) of the report by the hon. Martin R. Taylor, QC, who says:

The scheme established by s. 254 of the Code governing the taking of samples from drivers for alcohol and drug analysis is directed to the acquisition and preservation of evidence of a particularly perishable kind from those who are actually engaged in the dangerous business of controlling vehicles.

There is no authority under this part of the Criminal Code for the compulsory taking of samples except in the case of persons physically or mentally unable to consent, for which judicial warrant is required under s. 256. But it must be recognized that a police officer who has reasonable grounds to believe that the ability of a person to control a vehicle has been impaired by consumption of alcohol or a drug can coerce the person's consent to provide a breath or blood sample, because failure to comply with a proper request for such a sample in itself constitutes a criminal offence.

The s. 254 scheme contemplates the taking of samples of bodily substances without warrant under such coercion of law as may, for practical purposes, be equated with compulsion, and has, in my opinion, more in common with the proposed extension of authority under Bill C-3 to warrantless compulsory taking of bodily substances for DNA testing from accused persons than does the fingerprinting scheme authorized by the Identification of Criminals Act.

There is, however, an important distinction to be drawn from the context of the Charter. The constitutionality of the Criminal Code s. 254 scheme for drug and alcohol testing of breath and blood samples rests on the unique nature of problems associated with drinking and driving. There is obvious need to obtain blood samples promptly both for the purpose of preventing continuing breach of the law and to secure evidence which would otherwise be lost with effluxion of time. The courts, would not, in my opinion, equate compulsory taking of DNA samples without warrant, in the context of the Charter, with the taking of breath or blood samples under coercion of law from drivers suspected of impairment. I say this because personal DNA characteristics do not change with time, and the taking of DNA samples cannot be expected to result in the termination of offences in progress.

I do not believe that either of the comparisons mentioned would be regarded by the courts as persuasive in answering the present question.

Those were the comments of a former judge whose legal opinion was sought. He said that DNA could not be taken from a person who was charged. Yet we could take blood samples if the person were suspected of drinking.

Are we being told that if we take a blood sample from a person caught driving while drunk and can match the DNA with six rapes or six murders that have taken place we will not be able to charge the person because we obtained the evidence illegally?

I am not a lawyer, but it seems that is where we are with this. We have to make sure to protect ourselves. We have to make sure that people caught for crimes will serve for those crimes and that we do not have all the loopholes. The public is frustrated with today's laws, with the number of cases overthrown in the courts because of so-called abuse of people's rights. It seems the criminals are getting all the rights and the victims have no rights at all. Bill C-3, although it is a good start, does not include enough.

A gentleman spoke to our caucus a few weeks ago. He was the chief of police in a major city in Ontario. He pointed out very strongly that there had to be more in the DNA bill. We had to make sure that people who were in prison and were already convicted of crimes had their DNA put on the record. He assured us that if that were the case they would solve literally hundreds of murders, rapes and major crimes in the country.

Once crimes have been committed and the criminals are serving time in jail, they should have no right that says their DNA cannot be taken and put on the record, because their right not to have it there has been violated by them. Many people think we all should have DNA taken at birth so there are good records of everybody.

Surely the government can make sure the criminals in the land have their DNA on record so if they commit other crimes they will be caught. Certainly it has some feeling for solving all those crimes across the nation that have been committed by making the right amendments to the bill.

Hepatitis C May 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, over the past four days the Prime Minister and the Minister of Health have spoken about hepatitis C victims as cases and files, little more than legal briefs to be closed. Expediency is their mantra, not compassion.

Today let me put a human element to this disease and tell them about Sara MacDougall. Sara has hepatitis C.

In 1988 Sara was stabbed in a Calgary parking lot and left to die. Blood transfusions and 12 major surgeries saved her, sort of. Sara received tainted blood through the transfusions. She is now a victim, not a file.

Sara fortunately falls under the compensation guidelines, but Sara is not taking the package unless everyone who suffers from hepatitis C is compensated.

There is a message here for the Prime Minister and the Minister of Health. Will they listen?

The Late Bill Scott April 30th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise on behalf of the official opposition to acknowledge the passing of and pay tribute to a former colleague, the hon. Bill Scott.

Few MPs can match Bill's tenure in the House of Commons. He served this institution and the riding of Victoria—Haliburton with distinction and honour for 28 years, from 1965 to 1993. That means Bill was re-elected in seven general elections, certainly a statement of the trust his constituents placed in him.

When people speak of Bill Scott they speak with warmth and affection. They speak of him as an icon among grassroots politicians. They refer to Bill as having served his constituents in a selfless manner and say he was a gentleman. I knew Bill and served in two parliaments with him. I concur with their sentiments.

Constituents will say that Bill went beyond the call of duty as an MP. No problem or person was too small. Expediency was not in his vocabulary when it came to helping people. No matter how you voted, you could count on Bill for help. Despite his success, it never went to his head. This was truly a statement to Bill's dignity and sense of duty.

Bill served two terms as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Veterans Affairs. He was appointed to the Privy Council in 1992 in recognition of his work in parliament, his community and his country.

Bill will also be remembered for his work at the municipal level, first as a reeve in the township of Snowdon, and for his long term commitment and work as president of the Kinmount Fair and the Agricultural Society. Both of these were passions for Bill.

On behalf of my Reform colleagues, I extend to his wife Betty, daughter Laurie, son Guy, his sister Margaret, their families and his grandchildren our sincere and deepest sympathy. Bill will be missed by those who knew him. His indomitable spirit lives on in this hallowed precinct and in the community he served and loved.