Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was environment.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Progressive Conservative MP for Fundy Royal (New Brunswick)

Lost his last election, in 2004, with 35% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Small Business Loans Act February 16th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question. I will give him a short answer then I will give him a long answer.

Small and medium enterprises do need access to capital. The loan guarantee program is actually filling the gaps in marginal loans which are covered under the Small Business Loans Act. Without that program certain firms would not have the access to capital they currently have under this program.

One of the most democratic institutions we have is the Canadian Federation of Independent Businesses with has 88,000 members. It is clearly the position of the Canadian Federation of Independent Businesses that the Small Business Loans Act is a good program. It is something that should be continued. It should not be expanded to the degree we currently have for accessing loans of nearly a quarter of a million dollars. It should be smaller, it should be tightened up, it should be more responsive to actually fill the gaps for loans that banks would not otherwise be granting.

In terms of Reform supporting small businesses, in our platform we advocated reducing the small business tax rate from 12% to 8%. I am sure my colleagues to my right remember that.

The Reform Party advocated a flat tax during the last election campaign. Stephen Harper, who could be the leader in waiting of the Reform Party, said that small business income could be rolled into a flat tax income. That means Reform would tax small business in the neighbourhood of 22%, 23% or 24%. I do not think that is very good for small business.

Small Business Loans Act February 16th, 1998

Madam Speaker, it is with pleasure that I rise today to debate Bill C-21, an act to amend the Small Business Loans Act.

This bill would extend the Small Business Loans Act for another year, until March 31, 1999. It will also raise the ceiling of the total amount of loans that may be outstanding to $15 billion from $14 billion.

The legislation has always operated with a sunset clause to ensure periodic review for improvement and assessment of whether the bill is meeting the needs of the small business sector and not merely renewal.

However the government has yet to make up its mind on what it wants to do with the act. As a result of its indecision it has requested parliament to renew the act for another year while it continues the program.

We support the legislation only because without it the current lending period as of March 31, 1998 will cease and SMEs will not have access to capital under the Small Business Loans Act.

However the government should not expect the same support from my caucus colleagues or, for that matter, from the small business sector unless it begins to review, improve and update the act to ensure that appropriate access to capital is afforded to the real engines of job growth, the small and medium business sector.

It comes as no surprise the government has not decided what to do. It has done little more than pay lip service to the concerns of small business over the past four years. It has forgotten about the promises it made in the 1993 red book.

The government often claims to be an advocate and supporter of small business. If this were true, why has the government not addressed the deficiencies of the act and not even attempted to act on the series of observations and recommendations in the auditor general's report.

The primary objective of the Small Business Loans Act is to increase the availability of loans for establishing, modernizing and improving small business enterprises by offsetting a portion of the lender's net losses in the event of a default by a loan guarantee program.

I would hate to sound cynical, but I am really worried given the government's reluctance to establish specific debt reduction targets. As well, it is reluctant to reduce taxation for both consumers and small business. The government's plan is to create more small businesses and to continue to tax us to death so that large and medium companies wither into small companies.

The government has missed a real opportunity to show SMEs that it is serious about the concerns SMEs face today. I am not alone in my views. The auditor general pointed out in his recent report on this piece of legislation in section 29.87:

New lending under the program will end 31 March 1998 unless the government decides to renew it. This presents an opportunity to review the program's contribution to filling current financing gaps and stimulating economic growth and creating jobs.

He went on to say:

The review would also enable Industry Canada to assess whether the program meets the needs of small business in a rapidly changing economy.

There are others that believe we should not have wasted this opportunity to improve the act as well. The government was criticized for this broken red book promise by its own rank and file in the preamble to a priority resolution passed at its October 1996 convention as follows:

The banks and other financial institutions have not taken enough concrete steps to alleviate the hardships faced by small and medium size firms in obtaining investment capital.

In the time that I have been allowed I will attempt to address a number of the observations and recommendations within the report of the auditor general. In addition, it would be appropriate for us to remind the government of two other documents that must be considered once it gets around to improving the act. These two documents are committee reports, one from the department of finance entitled “Growing Small Businesses” and the other is an industry committee report entitled “Taking Care of Small Business”. I will refer to these documents often during my remarks.

Before we further discuss the necessary initiatives required to improve the bill, it would be useful for us to remind ourselves, and in particular those on the opposite side of the floor, of the impact of small business on the Canadian economy. More than 98% of businesses in Canada are small businesses with less than 50 employees. Half of Canada's workforce is employed in the small business sector. It is relatively recognized that the small business sector has had the greatest proportion of new job creation in the past four years.

As the auditor general pointed out, small businesses play a very significant role in the economy. They are the heart of economic activity and community development. In addition they sometimes develop into the large firms of the future. Small businesses contribute 43% of Canada's private sector economic output.

The overall theme of the auditor general's report and my principal concern is that Industry Canada does not have the performance indicators and benchmarks to properly assess whether the act is actually accomplishing its objectives. The objective must be to ensure that lenders make capital available to firms that they may not have without the government guarantee.

The program's raison d'etre is to help to fill existing program gaps for small business. Instead it seems the government guarantee is not used to increase availability of credit. Rather it allows lenders to reduce the risk on loans they would have made without the guarantee.

A small business person brought this quote to me the other day concerning the Small Business Loans Act, that there should be a loan guarantee for small business and not a loan guarantee for the banks.

The AG highlights this fact in referencing a 1994 study showing that between 30% and 40% of Small Business Loans Act loans were made to firms that would have received financing from lenders anyway. Without true financial support and adequate financing for growth of our small business sector, growth will be stunted and the future prosperity of Canada threatened. Those are the words of the auditor general, not mine.

The government's 1993 red book promised to exercise leadership and challenged the banks and other financial institutions to develop concrete ways to help small businesses find the capital they need. Given that nearly 40% of the loans that are guaranteed would have been guaranteed anyway, I would say that more work needs to be done before the government can claim any degree of success on this matter.

As I indicated earlier, the principal problem of the act is that it lacks clear objectives, performance indicators and benchmarks to measure the success and effectiveness of the legislation.

The government could benefit from the old adage that what gets measured gets done. The origin of this act dates back to 1961. In 1961, before I was born, the type of business that would likely get started was usually retail based or linked to light manufacturing. Things have changed since the retail shop and the light manufacturing era. The Canadian economy today has greatly evolved since that time. The legislation governing the act has remained essentially unchanged with respect to the types of assets eligible for financing.

The service sector and the knowledge and information sector form a much greater part of the economy today, with the latter sector having a high net employment growth potential. It is imperative that when the act is indeed reviewed the government ensure there are innovative solutions and commitments from lenders to address these needs.

No program can be effective unless there are clearly stated objectives to clarify expectations and to develop performance indicators concerning establishing, expanding, modernizing and improving small business.

To date, for the most part Industry Canada merely tracks the activity of the program, tying it to job creation. However, this approach does not provide us with other critical indicators such as the effect a loan has on the level of sales, profitability, productivity, competitiveness, levels of exports, product development, net employment impact and overall business success. These are critical indicators that most SMEs employ within their own operations.

We suggest the program adopt methods to track these criteria in their own programs and their own departments in order to properly assess the impact of this program.

As the auditor general pointed out, the net job effect, as stated in the 1995-96 annual report, indicated that 37 jobs were created per $1 million worth of loan guarantees. However, the auditor general goes on to point out in a follow-up report that given the recently completed Industry Canada study of economic effects, the program shows that the government's numbers were merely seven jobs created per $1 million guaranteed.

When this bill is reviewed all parties would expect more rigour in evaluating the job creation impact of the program for the purposes of parliamentary and public review and scrutiny.

Perhaps the greatest concern we have today is that the original intent of the program was to provide access to capital to start up ventures or small firms that would not otherwise have been granted a loan from a lender. The relative size of the loans was intended to be small so that the borrowers could have handled a higher rate or fee in exchange for a loan that did not leverage their personal guarantee.

The result today is that given the expansion of the program, the program is now beginning to displace traditional lending rather than enhancing marginal loan volumes and filling gaps where small venture loans are required. Given that 90% of the loan was to be guaranteed, the lending institution would then consider engaging the loan.

I would like to ask the government what is the average size loan it guarantees. The fact that the program has now been expanded to include loan amounts of over a quarter of a million dollars should concern us. I speculate that 30% to 40% of loans guaranteed under the program, which the auditor general pointed out would have been approved anyway, relate to the higher sums and not amounts that reflect the original need for the program.

The SBLA is a good program. In its conception it was supposed to be small and responsive to the needs of small business. It has grown excessively so that today it displaces traditional lending.

The Progressive Conservative Party believes this program needs to be tightened up and the focus must return to smaller lending with less focus on personal guarantees rather than sums of nearing a quarter of a million dollars that would be approved by traditional lending institutions anyway.

A bigger program does not always make for a better program. Bigger programs often make for worse programs. A bigger program would not be as responsive. The fact that the government has allowed the size of the program to mushroom in sectors where it does belong is one of the reasons the government has been unable to monitor and forecast future claims.

The government has a duty to the taxpayer to be able to provide this function. The auditor general correctly pointed out that Industry Canada must carry out regular analysis of its guaranteed portfolio including loans by industry, region, age of business, lender and type of asset. Overall economic trends need to be factored into such analysis.

The government also has a responsibility to taxpayers to ensure the banks and the lenders are fully challenged when participating in the program. The government must be rigorous in assuring the lenders comply with all regulations and exercise due care when making the loans. Industry Canada needs to strengthen its claim audit procedures to obtain assurance of such compliance. The government cannot be a loan guarantee program for bankers who have not made the right choices in the first place. The government must take steps to minimize the interest it is paying on claims submitted by lending institutions due to unnecessary delays in filing their claims.

I will make some more comments relevant to small business given that we are about to enter into the budget debate. The average Canadian consumer and small businesses are overtaxed, in particular with respect to payroll taxes. Canada pension plan premiums have been increased substantially. We know today's discussion is in the context of a perceived fiscal dividend given that the government has stated it will have a surplus. However, given that the EI fund takes in over $6 billion more annually than it actually consumes, that is the reason for the surplus.

We also know that if any type of tax kills jobs it is payroll tax. We advocate categorically that this government must kill job killing payroll taxes by reducing the EI fund. The chief actuary pointed out that the employment insurance program is sustainable at $2 per $100 of insurable earnings instead of the $2.70 per $100 it is currently set at. Given the hike we have had in the CPP premiums we must reduce payroll deductions.

There are other initiatives that must come forth as well. Canadians are poorer than they have been in 15 years. Disposable income has gone down drastically over the past two decades. Canadians need disposable income.

To put more money back in consumers' pockets so they can spend money to help SMEs, we advocate that the government raise the personal income tax exemption from $6,500 to $10,000. That would take two million Canadians off the tax rolls overnight. Those two million Canadians should not have been there in the first place.

Canadians need more disposable income. They need lower payroll taxes. EI, CPP and payroll taxes kill jobs.

Before we even consider spending a fiscal surplus we need to look at something that affects my generation as a younger Canadian, the $600 billion national debt. What this government has to do is provide Canadians with debt reduction targets to ensure that we never get caught in this spiral of deficit upon deficit again.

We do support Bill C-21. We have made some recommendations which we would like the government to carry forth. We challenge the government to actually do what is right and kill job killing payroll taxes, to bring forth to Canadians an agenda for growth that has less debt, less tax and more jobs. If we had that kind of foresight from an economic perspective Canada would be heading in the right direction into the next century.

Supply February 10th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I have a couple of questions I would like to ask the hon. member. I consider him to be a very thoughtful member.

What this debate actually entails is to find out what the rules are for secession. One fact we do know is that the supreme court ruling will not tell us anything that we do not know already. At the end of the day there are no rules when countries split up either domestically or internationally. There are no 20 points which we can actually put down on a piece of paper and say that they are the rules if there is a yes vote in any referendum.

This kind of debate and this kind of question the government is posing to the supreme court essentially privatizes the political leadership of government.

I would like to ask the member again, because I understand him to be a reasonable and thoughtful individual, about whether he agrees with the ads which the Reform Party utilized in the last election and should they ever be used again.

The second question I want to ask the member is whether he will distance himself away from Ezra Levant's comments in terms of what he stated in the Calgary Sun on October 30, 1995, on the eve before the country could have actually broken up. Mr. Levant makes comments such as “Say no to other special interest groups. Is it any wonder that Canada has so many special interest groups? After all, they see Quebec's payoff for being a constant nag. If we kicked out Quebec, we might then have the fortitude to tackle Canada's other ethnic separatists, natives”.

This kind of extremism is not what actually adds to the political process. I ask the member if he will distance himself away from these comments. Also, if he were the leader of his party, would this person be under his employ?

Student Loans February 5th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the finance minister. This government's scholarship fund is simply not enough. With its cuts to Canadian students, its fund is like taking away a loaf and giving back to Canadian students merely a slice.

Is the finance minister aware that Canadian students often have a higher debt than American students? Before he gives himself and his cabinet colleagues a generous pay raise, will the finance minister tell us what this government will do to address the high debt levels that Canadian students face? This government just does not get it. Student debt is just too high.

Division No. 49 December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The hon. member for Edmonton North commented on the fact that it was imperative to have proper decorum in the House. I would ask the member for Edmonton North to make her comments through the Chair.

Division No. 49 December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, during the hon. member's presentation I wondered at what point the government should have intervened. The point at which the government should have intervened was to be negotiated over the summer so that this situation did not arise in the first place.

The hon. member also mentioned the fact that because we are discussing back to work legislation it amounts to a failure. The failure is the government not getting this done so we are faced with back to work legislation. That is the only reason we are supporting the legislation.

Income Tax Conventions Implementation Act, 1997 November 28th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak to Bill C-10, an act to implement tax conventions between Canada and the states of Sweden, Denmark, Iceland, Kazakhstan, Lithuania as well as amending income tax conventions between Canada and the countries of the Netherlands and the United States of America.

My party supports the agreements and the intent of this legislation would ratify in terms of income tax conventions between Lithuania, Sweden, Kazakhstan, Iceland and Denmark to avoid double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion.

However, the Progressive Conservative Party raised concerns earlier in the House surrounding the retroactive charges this legislation holds for the 1984 Canada-United States Tax Convention Act that was amended in 1995 by this Liberal government.

The facts in the matter are the following. Part VII of this bill is intended to uphold the promise made by the finance minister on April 9, 1997, a promise made during a host of pledges laid out by his government just days before the federal election was called.

Initially, the reaction by the affected groups to the announcement was extremely positive. However, now that the legislation has come forward, there are still some serious problems that have yet to be dealt with.

First, let us take a look at how the Liberals came to this point. Right off the top, I want to be on the record commending the Liberals for admitting they made a mistake. However, the Liberals, after changing the tax protocol in 1995 and setting the legislation effective January 1996, have now conceded they were wrong and are retroactively setting January 1, 1996 as the date effective for the current legislation, giving credence to the saying “if you do not succeed at first, try, try again”. Although they are trying, unfortunately they have unsatisfactorily succeeded here.

The proposed increase from 50% to 85% inclusion of social security benefits is ambiguous because the government has stated, more often than not, that under American tax protocol Americans are taxed at 85%. However, that 85% is a maximum and in fact the majority of the people who fall under this provision are still taxed at a 50% inclusion rate in the United States. In fact, on page 4 of the U.S. Social Security Publication 915, it states:

The taxable part of your benefits usually cannot be more than 50%. However, up to 85% of your benefits may be taxable, only if the following situation applies to you: the total amount of one-half your benefits and all other income is more than $34,000.

Those are American dollars not Canadian. I would never suggest that we follow the American lead, but just for information it would be interesting to know what the income tax bracket threshold would be for people required to pay over 50%. When asked in committee, the officials could not give an equivocal answer.

Furthermore, this increase does not take into account that in the United States social security premiums are taxed when earned and not taxed deferred as is the CPP in Canada.

Second, the Minister of Finance has stated publicly to those affected that the social security aspect of the third protocol was revenue neutral. If this is the case, why is the new change increasing the inclusion amount by 70%?

Third, I have noticed that the retroactive change would not cause Canadians to pay back taxes to Revenue Canada and those owed money would be paid dually. For this I congratulate the government. However, it is unfortunate that a consistent policy cannot be followed. The reason I mention this is that recently caucus colleagues of mine have had calls from constituents involving a very similar situation.

The situation involved contract buyout packages whereby a mistake by the government—notice in both instances a mistake by the government was the cause of the problem—miscalculating Treasury Board's buyout of the formula caused hardships to thousands of Canadians. However, unlike C-10, in this particular incident the people were required to pay back the money to the government.

The incident I am referring to is the forces reduction plan carried out by the Department of National Defence. Why were people adversely affected by this defence buyout when the Department of Finance is capable of writing off debt? These constituents were given just 30 days to make arrangements for payment on debts ranging anywhere from $100 up to $1,500 before interest started to accumulate.

The former defence minister applied to the Treasury Board to have the debt remitted last January and that request was denied in March. One month later, the Minister of Finance announces the contents of C-10 and is able to find money to retroactively pay these retirees. I realize the two instances are separate and need to be handled on their own merit. However in my opinion the same standards should have been used for military service personnel.

My party believes the avenue the finance minister has used to rectify the third protocol mistake he initiated two years ago is flawed. These retired individuals do not deserve a 70% tax grab by the finance minister who, while wavering on tax cuts, seems to have no problem with tax hikes for retired people, as evidenced by Bill C-2 and Bill C-10.

Some constituents have even commented on the fact that 15% is non-taxable. These constituents have asked for the bill to included a minimum of 15%. I understand it is improper to make any change to new legislation, but that is something the government should revisit in the future.

Environment November 28th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, after last night's cabinet debacle and today's cancelled press conference, the world community now knows how disorganized this government is going into next week's negotiations.

I want to help. If the Minister of the Environment is unsure of what should be our position beyond targets and timelines, will she include the following economic instruments: joint implementation, tradable permits of emissions, recognition of Canada's carbon sink and a phased in plan for involvement of emerging nations? Or is the Kyoto position lost in the mail?

Canada Pension Plan Investment Board Act November 27th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, in order to sum up, I will just make a couple of small points.

That party does not understand the necessities or the wants of small business. The Canada pension plan is what small business wants and Reform does not support that. They want to have a flat tax which would mean that ultimately small businesses, because they are private enterprises, would be rolled into taxable income.

We have talked about some very important issues today with respect to pension plan review. We do not support some of these amendments because they do not propose any kind of alternatives. We need to save the Canada pension plan, but we need to provide small business with tax relief by cutting EI payroll taxes.

Canada Pension Plan Investment Board Act November 27th, 1997

We are going to raise premiums as well, compensated with a reduction in EI premiums.

I want to talk about the Reform plan with respect to the $500 billion unfunded liability.

During the recent hearings on this the leaders of the parties sat down and spoke. I am sure people might have seen some of this on television when the finance minister actually presented his plan to save the Canada pension plan and then the Leader of the Official Opposition presented his plan to save the Canada pension plan.

The finance committee in turn asked the Leader of the Official Opposition about the $500 billion unfunded liability. What did he tell that committee? I shake my head about the answer. He actually told the committee that it was a complex issue and it would take too long to explain Reform's plan for the $500 billion unfunded liability.

You would think that after 36 days on the campaign trail and the whole summer and part of the first session of the House that Reformers would at least have some form of an answer about what they would do with the $500 billion unfunded liability.

I have read Reform's platform, and guess what? It is not in the platform either. This fresh start is in fact a false start.

I also want to talk about this very issue in terms of how this party—