Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was billion.

Last in Parliament April 1997, as Reform MP for Calgary Centre (Alberta)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 22% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Privilege June 19th, 1996

Madam Speaker , I wish to point out that in my two and a half years here I have heard many questions of privilege. Each member has been given the courtesy, the time, the respect and the silence to present their question of privilege.

Members of both the government and the other party are concerned about the length, although it was never brought up before. I do not think the power of the Chair is being applied fairly and evenly. I would expect the Chair to interpret the rules on our behalf in the same way as was done for previous members. We should be given the same respect. I feel that our colleagues should be able to-

Criminal Code June 14th, 1996

It is automatic. So the penalty for taking a life is 25 years.

While serving the 25 years the person can appeal and file for earlier parole at 15 years. Now the Minister of Justice is trying to differentiate between one murder and multiple murders. That is what makes his amendment ridiculous.

Why try to make this distinction? The reason he is trying to make section 745 seem tougher, or he is addressing it with a new bill altogether, is that he has received complaints. He knows that everything we have been saying is true. Canadians are concerned. Canadians want criminals punished more. They do not want them to make a mockery out of the criminal justice system. He has heard those comments but he is not listening to the people he should be listening to.

Gosh, the prosecution lawyers are frustrated. Time after time they bring criminals into court and there is plea bargaining and then the criminals get off. The criminals are served a lighthearted slap on the wrist sentence and then they do the same crime again. All kinds of deals are done. They are given 12 years and then they get early parole after three years. The prosecutors, the police and the RCMP are not happy.

Why do we not toughen up our laws? That is all we have to do and we are the ones who have the ability to do it. The minister is the man who is responsible for doing it and he will not. He is going soft. He is trying to give the impression and appearance that he has done something with the laws we have. Now I know why I always compare him with the finance minister; he is trying to create a myth too. He is the second minister of myth because he is trying to create the illusion that he is getting tougher and is doing something. Do not worry, serial killers will not get out after 15 years, only after 25.

I find it frustrating. Instead of listening to the people who are complaining, he is trying to please the lawyers that come from the litigation system and the defence system, the bleeding heart lawyers, the bleeding heart individuals, the bleeding heart Liberals. He is trying to please them.

The minister cannot suck and blow at the same time. He cannot have it both ways. He is either blowing with the wind or against it, or he is sucking in the wind. Whatever he wants to do, he has to make a decision which way he wants to go. The minister has chosen to try to do both and he is satisfying neither. They are half measures that just anger both sides. I am sure he takes his lesson and his leadership from the Prime Minister who tries to do the same thing.

Criminal Code June 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the only people I am going to chastise are the ones in the Liberal government. The only person I am going to chastise is the member when he says imagine what kind of country we would have if Reform ran it. We would have a wonderful country. We would have a better country than what we have under the Liberals.

The Liberal Party once stood for the little people. It once stood for the little guy. The Prime Minister used to campaign as the little guy from Shawinigan pretending he had no money, that he was a poor boy and he just worked his way up like everybody else and that he was making just $50,000, $60,000, $80,000 a year as a hardworking lawyer and a politician. He is not a little guy any more. He does not represent the little guys and the Liberal Party does not represent the little guys any more. The Liberals now are big business. They are worse than the Conservative Party.

Talk about imagine. Imagine having a justice system that cares more about the criminal and the rights of the criminal than it does about the prevention of crime and the victims of crime. There is something wrong.

We should be doing something about it. The punishment should match the crime. Whether someone is 12, 13, 14 or 100 years old, if they commit a crime, they should know beforehand what the penalty will be. They should know that the penalty for first degree premeditated murder is life imprisonment. That penalty might match the crime. Life imprisonment. But then it is softened by saying that they may be let out after 25 years, or is it automatically out after 25 years?

Criminal Code June 14th, 1996

As long as he does not move his head we are okay, Mr. Speaker.

Even the justice minister admitted a few days ago that Canadians want a country where they feel secure in their homes and communities and where men and women can grow without fear. Our society has been shaken by violent crime and a defective criminal justice system which this Liberal government has been so slow to fix.

Despite the justice minister's claims, the public interest will not be served by keeping murderers in prison for any less than 25 years. The justice minister is trying to suck and blow at the same time. He is trying to satisfy Canadians that he will look after the Clifford Olson's of this world by not allowing them a chance for early parole from this time forward.

We are not concerned about Olson. He is not going to get out. I think most Canadians should feel safe about that. Even under the

existing law he will not get out. We do not need to scare Canadians with that. That is not what the Reform Party is saying.

However, we are saying that the justice minister cannot suck and blow at the same time, telling Canadians to fear no more and still please the bleeding heart liberals, the bleeding heart defence lawyers who try to go to the nth degree to make the law more lenient for criminals. They do not give a darn about the victims. They are so quickly forgotten.

Look at Nicole Simpson. Look at the tragedy in Calgary where someone was shot six times in the back. The whole trial was not about the victim. The whole trial was about whether the offender was in a robotic state. That is where defence lawyers are taking this country. I am offended and tired of it all.

The government cannot have it both ways. It must decide who it wants to please. The people the government and the minister should be trying to please is the Canadian public, not the bleeding heart liberal lawyers in our defence system.

The Canadian public is upset with the soft, wrong-headed target of this intended bill. They want to show the justice minister they are upset. They want to show him that he has not solved the problem but that he has created more anxiety and more fear and concern. They can show their concern by calling their MPs if they like but that probably will not make any difference. But Reformers are here every day. We will be hammering the justice minister every day. However, he is perfect and he never makes a mistake. He will never listen to us. But he will listen to Canadians.

Canadians want him to get with it, to get tough on young offenders. They want him to put in a proper Young Offenders Act, not one that is wishy-washy, where if a person is 15 or 16 they have to prove that they should not be tried in adult court. When 12 and 13-year-olds are telling the police what their rights are, it is time to crack down. If you do the crime you pay the time. These kids need protection from each other.

The minister is soft on section 745. He knows what the Canadian public wants. Why does he not just do the right thing?

Let me get back to the Canadian people. I believe there are lot of Liberals who believe that the justice minister is being too soft. We believe he is too soft. He should remove the anxiety and the fear from peoples' minds and make our streets safer. If the Canadian people feel that way then send him a fax. I am asking Canadians to send Rock a fax at 613-990-7255.

Criminal Code June 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I want to get to something more important than wasting money down in Chicago and that is Bill C-45.

The Liberals do not get it and it is our job to tell them what they are doing is not right. Let me continue to show the weakness of this bill.

The screening review mechanism that the government has developed is a joke. I wonder, as do many Canadians, if this review process will be as effective as the National Parole Board has been under this new system.

The crown and the criminal are able to submit evidence in the form of an affidavit. There is no examination of the inmate until a jury hears the case. While an affidavit is a legally binding document, why should anyone who has committed the most heinous crime there is, the cold and premeditated taking of another human life, be trusted? One time is enough. They are put away one time, not two, three, four times.

Does the government's rehabilitation program suddenly instil honesty in these criminals? For the protection of Canadians we should have the right to question inmates before they are granted jury hearings.

One of the most troubling aspects of this bill is why the government puts more value in the loss of 2, 3, 20 or even 200 lives while the loss of one innocent life is grounds for a sentence review. Why try to make a distinction?

As reporter Licia Corbell wrote: "Take, for instance the fact that Rock is distinguishing between multiple murderers and those who kill once as though a murder victim's death is only legitimized by someone else's murder". That is ridiculous. That is sad. It is enough to make one sick.

This is what the justice minister does not get. He believes a first time murderer, a premeditated killer, found guilty by a jury of his peers deserves a second chance. A second chance for what? To do it again? The punishment should match the crime. Some of us favour capital punishment, some do not. It is life imprisonment, but a murderer serves 25 years, and automatically gets paroled after 25 years. Now the government wants to reduce that even more. That is totally wrong.

Corrections Canada's mission is to contribute to the protection of society by exercising lawful control. It seems ironic that the government willingly sends peacekeepers around the world to protect the lives of people in countries such as Bosnia, yet it is willing to release rehabilitated murderers on to Canadian streets.

Why do two or more people have to be killed by one murderer before the government steps in to lock these criminals up? Where are the government's priorities? Has it forgotten that its first responsibility is to Canadians? We must do everything to protect their safety. Is is any wonder that people do not trust our justice system?

It is time to place the rights of victims at the forefront. It is time to put law-abiding citizens ahead of the rights of criminals.

Has the justice minister ever offered the Boyd or the Rosenfeldt families compensation for the horrific murders of their children? No, he has not. However, the government is willing to offer inmates compensation for slipping on a stairwell. The government is willing to offer Clifford Olson compensation to the tune of $100,000. It is even allowing him to publish books and make videos while in jail. What a slap in the face to these families. Where is justice? What a disservice and what an insult. There is no justice for the victims.

Why is the government so soft on criminals? Make no mistake, the people who we are talking about are criminals. They have broken the law. They are first degree, premeditated killers. We are not talking about second degree, by chance, look at the review and the situation and maybe give them a second chance. Society wants these first degree, premeditated, plan to kill killers punished for those crimes.

However, instead of punishing them, they are given compensation. They are made to feel comfortable. They are provided with the opportunity to be released early but, as the justice minister says, "only in appropriate cases".

When was first degree, pre-planned murder ever an appropriate case for early release? Why use language like this? This is what the justice minister said: "This is the right thing to do because it preserves the opportunity, but only in the appropriate cases". Do we not want a deterrent? Do we not want to have a deterrent for killers that plan to kill, that plan to take another life? Do we not want to tell these people that if they plan and commit a murder they are going to pay the price which is 25 years in jail? And if they are not good after 25 years then maybe they will serve even more. I do not think this Liberal government wants a deterrent. It wants to appeal to some soft bleeding hearts, but I will save that for another part of my speech.

The justice minister also said: "I think it is impossible to say that of all the hundreds and hundreds of people serving time for murder that there is a purpose to be served either for the victim or society to have them serve all 25 years without the prospect of a review". We are not talking about the hundreds and hundreds of second degree murderers. We are talking about first degree, pre-planned, premeditated murderers here. He is trying to whitewash the two situations. He is trying to mingle the two together. He believes they deserve a second chance. I disagree and I think the majority of Canadians do as well.

If these measures are going to strengthen the justice system and make Canadians feel safer, why do we not release these one-time murderers, if they get released after 15 years, and put them into the neighbourhood of the justice minister and the solicitor general? I wonder if either one of these ministers would feel safe if we released these rehabilitated criminals into their neighbourhoods. Would they think twice about walking around in their neighbourhood at night? Would they worry about the safety of their children, grandchildren, friends and neighbours? I am sure they would.

If they had a reason to be concerned then they need to listen to Canadians and give this bill some real clout. They should close all the loopholes like section 745. They should give Canadians some peace of mind and quit coddling the criminals.

The public is scared. Our streets are no longer safe. Crime is on the rise. The minister tells us: "Oh well, they are using statistics like `if I punch this guy in the face that is violent crime so therefore that is increasing crime"'. That is not a violent crime and not worth talking about. Violent crimes are increasing and young offenders crime is increasing.

Supply June 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the member for his question. It is a very good question. It is a very important question.

The Reform Party recognizes and realizes that French is a fact in this country. So is English. French is the minority language because fewer people speak French.

We are not against supporting bilingualism. When I was making the point about compulsory enforcement and about not spending a lot of money to encourage people to learn a language, I was trying to show that the separatists use an extreme argument. They go overboard in trying to retain their argument. There needs to be a compromise between the two.

It against that point that I was stating the fact that if someone did not speak the language for a number of years, they could still speak that language. The culture of a province and a region is important. There are many cultures across this country.

The member asked how we would encourage or protect French minority language rights outside Quebec. First, all provinces have jurisdiction over language and culture. It should be the same for Quebec as it is for Alberta and for every other province. Within that right, the provinces can encourage the people to speak the language of its choice and to insist on education first in the language of that choice.

The way to ensure that French is protected in Alberta, for instance, is to recognize where the pockets, the pools, the significant numbers and sufficient demand exist to ensure that those people, through legislation, get the services they require. That is protected by law. It is enforced by law.

However, to encourage more Albertans, more Edmontonians, Calgarians, people from Red Deer, from Lethbridge, from wherever they are to speak French, one has to sell and promote the advantages of a second language. It has to be shown what are the advantages for Albertans to learn French. A lot of good contracts from Europe in the technological field are going to Quebecers and Quebecers only because they speak French and supply the drawings and the technical information in French.

If Calgarians and Edmontonians or Albertans in general were to take the time to become proficient in that second language it would improve their opportunities to market themselves. It would improve their ability to make deals in the global economy. The world is shrinking. It will become a Europe. Therefore, the protection of a second language, be it English in Quebec or French in Ontario, will become more prevalent. The way to do it is not to force people to do it but to encourage, to promote, to show the advantages of it.

Supply June 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I never said that we need a Hungarian language policy. I am saying that we do not need the Hungarian language policy. Hungarians will continue to retain their language and culture, despite the fact that we do not have a policy here in Canada.

My point is that it is not necessary to be so over protective of a language to the degree that it will be lost and forgotten. There are examples that it will never happen.

I never blamed Quebec for the mess we are in concerning bilingualism. I never once in my speech blamed Quebec. I blamed the federal government, prime ministers and the second tier, the bureaucrats who were hired to implement those policies.

I thank the member for the correction as to who initiated the Laurendeau-Dunton report, the B and B Commission, Mr. Pearson. He was a fine gentleman.

In terms of the Bloc's policy, I talked about territorial bilingualism and he indicated that it would not work. Here is the Bloc Quebecois policy. It calls for full and generous language rights to be extended to francophones living outside of Quebec and very few rights to be extended to anglophones living inside Quebec.

Where is the principle of equality there? That is avoiding it. "The logic of this asymmetry is that French is in danger of extinction in Canada". It is in danger of extinction in Canada? Seven million people speak that language and somebody says that it is in danger of extinction. That defies logic. It goes on: "It can only survive on an equal footing with English if it receives preferential, legal treatment".

Let us say that it was in danger of extinction and we felt that we had to do some extra work to ensure the language survived. What offends anglophones is that the separatists in their own province-not all Quebecers because the majority are not like this-will not give the equal treatment to anglophones living in that province. They tramp on their rights. That is what is wrong with the separatists and the Bloc view of bilingualism.

Supply June 13th, 1996

I do not want to sit down until my time is up. I have every right to speak for 20 minutes just like the member for Québec-Est. I know he is champing at the bit to get at me on a question.

In 1995 the commissioner of official languages received 15 complaints regarding the Internet which dealt with the unavailability of various information in French. When will the Bloc Quebecois and the Liberal government catch up with the Reform Party which has more French services on the Internet site than both the Bloc and the Liberals? How is that for promoting bilingualism? How is that for offering services in two languages? How is that for showing

that the Reform Party does care about Quebec, that the Reform Party wants Quebec?

We need good Quebecers to run for the Reform Party to show that we can make a difference here representing the province of Quebec the proper way.

Supply June 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak on this issue. Since the Reform Party policies on bilingualism have been misinterpreted, misrepresented and misunderstood, it gives me an opportunity to put them back in their proper perspective.

I will comment on the speech given by the Bloc member for Québec-Est. It is regrettable that it was one of the most insightful, racist speeches I have ever hear. He tried to encourage other people across the country to show their anger and frustration. He used the word hate and said anglophones hate Quebecers or that anglophones hate francophones. I do not know under what authority, according to what knowledge, he can make that statement.

I know the majority of Quebecers do not share his view with respect to hatred, even if some are separatists. I know the majority of Quebecers in two referendums voted to stay in the country. It is a shame and a sham that the Bloc continues to want to push its personal separatist cause to break up the country.

He also discredited himself in three ways. He failed to give proof of his motion, which states in part that the government fails to recognize the urgency. It does. It has a lot of audits. It has made mistakes with the Official Languages Act and it is not perfect. However, the member never proved the urgency he talked about.

His motion also says they should take exceptional measures to counter their assimilation and allow for growth. There has been a lot of movement toward respecting francophones who live outside Quebec and working with them. I have evidence in my speech which shows that.

The member also described himself by only complaining. That is all he did, complain, complain, complain. He offered no solutions to solve the problem. This gentleman does not wish to stay in Canada. This gentleman has no interest in promoting anglophone-francophone relationships and bilingualism across the country.

There is proof of that. The final discredit was when he was on television with my colleague from Esquimalt-Juan de Fuca, my colleague asked him what would happen if Quebec separated to all those francophones who live outside Quebec. He shrugged his shoulders and said: "Who cares?" That is shameful. What duplicity. It reminds me of the finance minister and the Prime Minister. They are duplicitous too.

His speech strictly tried to create a myth to push the Bloc agenda. The agenda should be what can the Bloc members of Quebec do to make things better for Quebec. What can the Bloc

members do to make this a better country to live in? Together we can grow and nurture much better than if we divide and separate. The consequences are as severe for the rest of Canada as they are for Quebecers in Canada. They know it.

They hid the Le Hir reports; 10 or 15 reports were hidden. Parizeau showed he cared only about a small select group, a few people. He made bigoted and racist comments when he lost the referendum, and now Bouchard will have another referendum. When will it end?

He talks about democracy. They had two democratic elections. Twice they lost. They want to do it a third time? What happens if they get yes with 50 per cent plus one? That means immediate break up, right? They will not have another referendum then, will they? Bloc members are shaking their heads, "no, we won't". No is never, but yes is forever, and yes just once.

That is hypocritical. It is undemocratic. Quebecers should wake up and realize these separatists are hurting them. There are francophones and anglophones in Quebec who do not like what they are doing. The majority do not like what they are doing. They should stand up to them. That is the only way we will put this to rest.

I have complained that he has not shown the urgency. All he has done is make accusations. If he could have focused on how to better spend the billion dollars a year we spend on bilingualism to encourage bilingualism, even in Quebec, it would have been a much more productive speech.

This motion would be much more productive if we talked about how we could promote bilingualism. That is the problem. It has 63 per cent to 65 per cent of Canadians complaining about how official bilingualism is not working in this country. Even Quebecers are in the 60 percentile that complain about how this is not working. If that is where the gentleman from Québec-Est is coming from, to that degree I agree with him. I agree official bilingualism is not working. The way to do it is to stop having it misinterpreted.

The question is how to promote bilingualism. His lack of attention to the word bilingualism to his own province is what is lacking in his speech. What about the ethnics who come into that province? Yes, they have to learn French first. Yes, they should learn French first. Yes, they must be made to learn French. That is a provincial jurisdiction and a provincial right.

What about those anglophones born in Quebec who remain anglophones, 800,000 of them? Do they not have any rights? Will they all be kicked out?

Let us look at the facts. The government spends over a billion dollars a year and has done so for about 30 years, since Trudeau started this; $30 billion or more spent on bilingualism. Do we have value for our money? No. Sixty-three per cent of Canadians, including Quebecers, say no.

The official languages commissioner sends confusing messages. The person who is supposed to ensure this is being enforced right does not know what he is talking about. Let me give an example of that.

In 1994, I was on the Standing Committee on Official Languages where I met Mr. Goldbloom. The first thing he said was Reform's policy is not very good for Quebecers. He said if we went to Montreal we would certainly hear that the English speaking community, which is vibrant and has moved a great deal in the direction of bilingualism, is still very much committed to its life in English. This is for the Bloc members. Those people in Montreal still want the right to have English.

I was able to point out our policies. I indicated our party's position is that we are not anti-French, as some of the media likes to accuse us. The principle of supplying bilingual services in federal institutions should be where numbers warrant, where there is significant demand. This is the one supported by the Reform Party.

The question became, both for myself and the commissioner, how to define the minority community, the size, how big it should be to qualify for bilingual services?

Mr. Goldbloom said: "A province, I respectfully submit, is too large. The unity of this country matters to me. Unity means we are talking about a unit. That unit is not a province, it is the country. In the country there are 7 million people who speak French. It is not the small number of people that is the issue. It is the whole country and it is the history of linguistic duality".

There are two messages there, how to incorporate and include services in two languages to satisfy the 7 million French speaking people and that there should be services required to serve the balance of Canadians who, I presume, would be English speaking.

He says the unit of a province is too large but that the country is the right size. That is a confusing message. I think everybody is going away from what the original B and B commission indicated.

The B and B report, which Trudeau commissioned and which he based on his bilingualism and biculturalism policy, was to have a system for all individuals located in the country to have the right to communicate and receive services from government in their preferred official language.

This has been interpreted as where sufficient numbers and significant demand warrant. This has been reinterpreted by the Official Languages Act that we must force all Canadians to learn two languages. We object to having an Official Languages Act that enforces bilingualism. People react to this, especially when one province will not teach in the second official language. This offends and upsets people. It is what is making this issue so controversial.

We should go back to the original B and B report and significant numbers, sufficient demand. We could end the official enforcement of two official languages and that money, whether it is a $500 million or $1 billion, would be better spent encouraging and promoting bilingualism. To speak a second language is an advantage, not a disadvantage.

We do know Canada's history, unlike what the member for Québec-Est said. We all recognize that this is a country of two primary languages, French and English. To promote and encourage Canadians to learn a second language is positive, not negative. It is similar to Europe.

I speak Hungarian. I am a first generation immigrant. There is no official Hungarian language policy in Canada. I go into my little pockets and pools where I can speak Hungarian to Hungarians. I never spoke one word of Hungarian for 10 years.

I have learned to speak quite well in Hungarian. I have forgotten some but not all of it. I am saying to Quebecers and separatists that their argument that if they do not speak French every day all day they will forget their language and if they do not force people in Quebec to learn only French they will lose they language, is not right. I am living proof it is not right. I guarantee that if every francophone in Quebec never spoke a word of French for 10 years, they would still remember how to speak French. I submit that very humbly. They may forget a little bit. The argument that if they do not speak French all the time and do not have it up there first and foremost they will lose their language is wrong.

How did we get here? We got here through the B and B report and through a confusion and misinterpretation of Trudeau's intention for a just society. It is unfortunate that has happened because although I do not respect the games the separatists are playing, I respect their right to fight for what they want and what they believe in.

By the same token, I would hope that they would give me that same respect and I could speak against them in such a way that shows them I really want to be their friend. I really want them to fight for Quebec the way Reformers are fighting for B.C., Ontario and Alberta. They should force the federal government. Le problème c'est Ottawa, as our leader said. That is the problem and that is where we should focus.

We can fix the Official Languages Act. We can move to encouraging and promoting bilingualism. There is nothing wrong with learning English or French no matter what one's first language is, even if it is Hungarian. This is the way to solve the problem.

I have to go back to a couple of other facts mentioned by the member for Quebec Est to give credence to his contention that there is an urgency and a lack of respect for francophones. That is simply untrue, totally and blatantly untrue. I respect francophones. I stand here and defy anyone to say that I do not respect francophones. I respect all Canadians.

For instance, the member said that there were only one or two French schools in my province. Let me tell the hon. member what the deal is. In Alberta 163 schools offered French immersion in 1994-95. That represents 27,717 students. The member asked: "So what if there is French immersion? What does that do for the francophones who live there?" What it does is when those people whose first language is English learn French and become bilingual, then the francophone has just found 27,717 new friends. That is what it does. That is what builds a country. That is what will unite us. It is what brings us together.

On top of those 163 schools, 21 schools offer francophone programs for francophones living in Alberta. Programs just for francophones last year represented services for 2,765 francophone students. They can even have their own French boards if they want.

I would like to share with the hon. member for Québec-Est that for the first time there is a French only school in Calgary Centre. That is in Alberta, where 23 Reformers have come from to this House of Commons and are labelled as anti-French, a province which has done nothing but promote bilingualism.

Those are examples of promoting and encouraging bilingualism. People I know, lawyers, doctors and accountants send their kids willingly to French immersion schools because they know the advantage of it. The member should be doing the same thing for francophones. He should be encouraging francophones to learn English as well, instead of being so paranoid about his own language which he will never ever forget how to speak and I know that.

The Reform Party has done a poor job of representing its bilingualism policy. We come across as anti-French. We come across as anti-Quebec. What I am hoping to do today is to put on the record quite clearly and unequivocally that we are pro Quebec, we are pro French, we are pro bilingualism. In fact we are pro Canada.

We want this country to stay together. We want this country to show its ethnic backgrounds and diversity. Yes we agree that the

way the government is doing it is not the right way. Yes we agree it is easy for the member for Québec-Est to stand up and get the government ticked off and get more separatist support, but that is not the way to reach his ultimate objectives.

Look what is happening in the city of Montreal. After two referendums and 25 years of trying to separate, it is has not worked. Why not just forget it? Montreal has dwindled to half of what it was 25 years ago.

In 1969 I went to the University of Ottawa and bilingualism was prevalent then. Sometime in the late sixties the separatist movement started. A student union started it. I was there and saw the birth of separatism, of that movement and that thought.

The difference in Ottawa was maybe 25 per cent or 30 per cent of people were bilingual. Now I do not need a statistic. I do not need a map. I do not need anything. I am here 25 years later and I get the impression that 75 per cent of people in Ottawa are bilingual. Everywhere I go they can speak two languages. Whether they greet you in English or French, you go into the other language and you just do not know. You are not safe to say anything in another language assuming that the other person does not understand because they do.

This is evidence that bilingualism has worked. Ottawa is an example of it. In the House of Commons there are 1,400 employees under the control and purview of the board which the Speaker looks after. For 69 per cent of those employees, French is their first language. That is great and good. It shows that it works. It shows that things are being done positively within the system.

I want to explain what the Reform Party means when we say that we would replace the Official Languages Act. We do not like the Official Languages Act and we say a lot of the money being spent is a waste. Let us spend it better. We would replace the Official Languages Act with a territorial bilingualism act. It has its credibility and concept from the original Laurendeau-Dunton report, the B and B report. It goes back to that principle to recognize language minority rights. It is a compromise between the two extremes.

Under this model, language rights and minority language services would be extended only to those minorities large enough to survive over the long term. Smaller minorities would not receive full rights on the basis that the burden imposed on the majority population which must foot the tax bill for minority language government services outweighs the benefits being received by the minority. This model has been successfully employed in Finland for dealing with its Swedish speaking minority.

If practised in Canada, this model would extend full minority language rights to the large francophone communities in eastern and northeastern Ontario and to the Acadians of New Brunswick as well as to the anglophone community of west end Montreal. The rest of the country for all intents and purposes would not be required to offer the services in two languages. By doing this we then spend some advertising dollars on promoting and encouraging the learning of a second language.

When I went to high school in Arnprior, Ontario I was taught a second language. It was French. I learned English at home and French in school but I did not see the need for it. Times have changed. This is the nineties. There is a need for a second language. There is a need for people to expand their minds. People do not have to learn a second language and if they speak just one language they should not be ashamed or embarrassed.

There are places in Quebec where they are forced to do things in English where there is no need. Some areas are so francophone it is ridiculous to impose English signs and English services. They do not need it, they do not want it and they should not have to do it. The same exists outside of Quebec in a lot of areas.

If we want to achieve a balance, territorial bilingualism might go a long way toward solving that problem. I am not saying it would solve all of the problems because someone or something always gets in the way. They are politicians, bureaucrats and government.

We as politicians should clearly enunciate the objectives of what we want and then follow it up. The mistake Trudeau made is he enunciated a good objective and he supported the Laurendeau-Dunton report. That is all he wanted. He wanted to encourage, promote and set in place some services that would make francophones who left Quebec feel comfortable living outside of Quebec. That is what he wanted. However other people came along, for example the bureaucrats, and interpreted it differently and started imposing rules. For example, I think it is silly to have language police in a province. That is such a waste of money, but it is just my personal opinion.

What else can I say in the minute that is left for me.

Employment May 30th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the minister said earlier in response to a Bloc member's question that the $2 billion is coming out of the consolidated revenue fund, of which $18 billion comes in from UI and $13 billion is going out. There is a projected net profit of $5 billion.

The federal government has a valid role in employment initiatives such as portability of payment at a national employment registry. However, a major obstacle to the portability of persons is the lack of common qualification standards and licensing from province to province.

What initiative has the government taken to ensure Canadians will be able to work in any province regardless of the province a citizen has earned their qualification in, like the problem between Ottawa and Hull?