Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was billion.

Last in Parliament April 1997, as Reform MP for Calgary Centre (Alberta)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 22% of the vote.

Statements in the House

The Economy April 20th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Finance. I will give him a little hint on the answer: billions versus millions.

Today's Financial Post reports that the Deutsche Bank has recommended to its clients to reduce their Canadian bond exposure to zero from 3 per cent which could represent up to $10 billion. One of the primary reasons given is that Canada's heavy budgetary risks will result in further underperformance. It is obvious the Deutsche Bank does not share the minister's optimism and opinion that the budget was a success.

Why would the Deutsche Bank recommend pulling out of the Canadian economy?

Government Expenditures April 19th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Finance.

Yesterday in the House the minister characterized spending cuts for next year's budget as massive. Last week the Prime Minister said that any additional spending cuts would be measured in millions not billions.

I would like to know, and members of the Reform Party would like to know, if the finance minister means massive in millions or does he mean massive in billions, or is he in agreement with his Prime Minister.

Who is actually deciding how much the cuts will be for the next budget?

Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Process April 19th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I follow on the heels of the Minister of National Revenue who pointed out that there were some advantages in the proposals made by members of our party. I appreciate his candour, his openness and his willingness to enter into a spirit of non-partisanship on something as important as this matter.

There is no question the cost of government is ever increasing. The only way we can put a halt to it is through attrition. We should not increase the size of the House. The committee should be given direction. All we are asking in our amendment is for the committee to be given enough direction or encouragement to consider the possible downsizing of the House of Commons and to consider the possible freezing or setting of the cap at 295 for the House of Commons, as we are presently designed now.

All we are asking in our amendment is that these points be made to the committee for its consideration. If after due deliberation the committee comes back and says in the spirit and principle of rep by pop or in the spirit and principle of the act of Confederation that it must continue its present course, so be it.

We happen to believe the committee should be given the opportunity, the authority and the right to come back to the House with a report reflecting and including representation by population and the fact, as the member for Calgary North pointed out, that increasing the size of the House does not necessarily mean it will perform any better.

We have a government, a cabinet and what we call backbenchers. Backbenchers are usually assigned to various committees. They select the various chairmen of committees. Sometimes cabinet gives good leadership and cabinet ministers give those corresponding committees direction, responsibility and duties. However that is in the minority.

In the majority of cases cabinet ministers give no direction to their subcommittees or their committees, give no follow up to those committees and give token appearances to the committees. Sooner or later during the course of the Parliament they lose interest and know they are there to vote on a partisan basis.

In return for the support of the Minister of National Revenue on this issue I would commend about four or five cabinet ministers of the government who have given their various committees direction, who have given them some authority to report back and get the feel and the will of the people. I believe

the chairmen of these committees and the members of government on those committees feel like they are making a contribution.

If that continues we can do some good for Canada and Canadians. However, if they do not do it, that is where I say increasing the size is just a waste of time and money. We have to reduce the cost of doing business in Parliament. We have to reduce the cost of doing business for government. We have to set the example.

When the Minister of National Revenue proposed Bill C-2 he indicated that he wanted to amalgamate two deputy ministers into one. It was an effort to streamline and lower the cost of doing business yet increase the efficiency and the effectiveness of government. We will be watching to see if the new super deputy minister of national revenue, taxation, customs and excise lowers the cost of the department, improves the efficiency and effectiveness of the services within the department and achieves the aims and objectives of the bill. We will be watching. Hopefully that will come about.

I would like to get back to representation by population. There are two ways to continue the principle of equal representation. We are not really on representation by population. We know that on the principle of what was guaranteed to Prince Edward Island in joining Confederation. It was guaranteed a minimum of four seats no matter what its population became.

Therefore what we are trying to do is come as close to representation by population as possible and emulate that principle in theory. Right now there are two options available to us.

The first option is to continue on the present course. Every eight years when there is a redistribution calculation we would look at the population shift and then increase the number of seats. That is representation by population and we would be giving everybody what they want. Consequently that is what increases the cost and size of government and we wish to diminish and reduce that.

The second option is to stray away from that philosophy, that principle and that theory which is flawed. Let us try to improve and accept a new theory that would look at redistribution and the formula for both urban and rural areas.

Whether the size of the House of Commons is the current 295 or it goes back to 260 or in the range the Minister of National Revenue recommended of between 220 and 260, whatever that number becomes, the size would be capped. Then future redistributions and future principles of following equal representation or representation by population could be accommodated in both rural and urban areas by simply reallocating the ministers in those areas and changing the boundaries to reflect the shift in population rather than adding the number of people.

Let me repeat for the purposes of the committee and for the purposes of my contribution to this debate. I am suggesting if the size of the House of Commons were set at a fixed number we could still be a democratic institution and still respect redistribution on the basis of shifting the boundaries but not increasing the number of people. That is something I hope the committee looks at.

The other point is the problem with the Senate which has to be addressed. We have to some day very soon look at this institution which can be elected, equal and effective. We can work together rather than always degrading that other House.

Hyundai Motor Company March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, has the finance minister and his government even asked why Hyundai closed its doors and why this project did not work, before pumping another $32 billion of good taxpayers' money after bad? Does he know the answer?

Hyundai Motor Company March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the finance minister.

The federal government and the provincial government of Quebec have paid $46.4 million in government grants to Hyundai motor company to assemble cars in Bromont, Quebec. I understand the finance minister plans to spend another $32 million on this project in the name of job creation.

When is the finance minister and his government going to learn that regional development programs do not work, that injecting cash into the private sector distorts the marketplace and that these dollars ultimately dig our debt hole deeper? When will the finance minister learn something and stop wasting taxpayers' dollars on direct grants and subsidies to businesses?

Borrowing Authority Act, 1994-95 March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I enjoyed the commentary of the hon. member. That quote has a lot of merit. I would not dispute that.

I would like to raise one thing that perhaps Bloc Quebecois members have not considered. I know the agenda they ran in the province of Quebec. They feel that separation is the best thing for Quebec. I respect their views on that. I respect why they feel that way. Perhaps members could give them other thoughts to consider.

Why not stay in Canada? Why not work together for one Canada, a new federalism? The Bloc Quebecois would work within this confederation to gain the best possible for the province of Quebec in partnership with nine other equal provinces. As one country we would grow together and ultimately achieve our highest potential. Why does the hon. member not talk to his caucus about the economic advantages for the province of Quebec of staying in Canada? The signal that would send to the global community and the global market would have resounding positive financial rewards for the province of Quebec.

As Reformers we would be happy to point out to the Bloc Quebecois what some of the advantages are to staying in confederation. This separatist point of view is divisive and confusing. There are the arguments and debates over immigration, over the debt and what Quebec's share would be, how we do this, how we do that. Why not work together? Financially it is advantageous for everyone concerned.

Borrowing Authority Act, 1994-95 March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to address for the first time Bill C-14, an act to provide borrowing authority for the fiscal year beginning April 1, 1994. I speak against the bill because it is time we stopped living on borrowed money. The government has to start living within its means and resist the temptation to continue the mistakes of the past 25 years.

In 1968 the Liberal government under Pierre Elliot Trudeau came into power. It generated the first deficit. Since 1968 and including that year every government has continued to spend more money each and every year than it generated in tax dollars. If we check the records, after the Liberal government was kicked out by the Conservative government it left a debt for the Conservatives of $175 billion in 1984.

The Conservatives continued the same spending habits the Liberals had taught them while they were in government. Each and every year while the Conservatives were in power they continued to add to the debt to the point at which the people finally had enough. Under that government the debt grew to $460 billion. When the Conservatives were in power they kept blaming the Liberal government for the debt that grew every year because they had to pay interest out of the revenues to service the debt brought in by the Liberal government under Mr. Trudeau.

Now the Liberals are back in power and they are blaming the Conservatives for the $460 billion debt. They say it is their fault and that the $40 billion interest payment is a result of their lack of fiscal responsibility. The Liberals are now expecting the Canadian public to buy the same argument again.

Enough is enough. The finance minister's budget ignored the real problem. The finance minister presented a budget that accomplished nothing. The results would have been the same after 12 months if he had done nothing. It is a shame for him as a person with such good business background and business acumen not to heed the advice of his own experience.

The real problem is the debt and the interest we must pay every year to service the debt which is in the $40 billion range. There is the deficit, the debt and the interest payment on the debt. The finance minister brought in a budget that increased overall spending by $3 billion. Yet his rhetoric sounds as if he read the Reform Party blue book and the zero in three plan.

He talks tough. He talks about where we must take tough measures and make tough decisions. We must work toward a balanced budget. We must do this. We must do that. However, what does he do? He makes one sector of the economy, the military, suffer the most. It is suffering pain for no net gain because he increased spending by $3 billion overall.

This is why we are concerned as members of the Reform Party. The finance minister says he understands the problem but he fails to address it in the budget. As a businessman I am doubly infuriated because every time the government interferes in the private sector through grants, subsidies and regional development funds it proves in the long run not to work. When the money runs out so do the businesses. It is unfair. It distorts the marketplace and it creates confusion.

For instance, under the infrastructure program the federal government will contribute $2 billion if a province contributes $2 billion and the municipalities collectively contribute $2 billion. Then we will have a $6 billion job creation program. It is creating confusion. In the heart of downtown Calgary in my riding is a building that contributes to infrastructure that already draws businesses and people. It is a round-up centre, a building called the Saddle Dome which houses the Calgary Flames, a professional hockey team. The municipal council has now found a way to make application to the provincial government and through it to the federal government. The President of the Treasury Board will have to make a decision. I advise him to

decide against it because it is not a true use of infrastructure moneys. He will be asked to make a decision on whether it falls under the criterion and the definition. There is confusion.

Therefore the federal government should make it a point that if it has an infrastructure program it should go toward infrastructure. Two other levels of government have decided that spending money on a facility that is already in place is infrastructure. Since the private sector is involved with the Calgary Flames and since it is the major tenant, I recommend the President of the Treasury Board take a good hard look at the application.

My original point was that the infrastructure program was causing confusion. It is an intrusion into the marketplace. Another intrusion involves the province of Quebec and the manufacturer of the Hyundai car. Hyundai was originally subsidized, attracted to come to the province. It was to create 1,000 jobs. We were to lend it $100 million and to sell 100,000 cars at the end of this wonderful deal.

Hyundai closed its doors when the money ran out. Some 856 jobs were created, not 1,000. There were only 26,000 cars produced, not 100,000. However the Minister of Finance is considering lending more money for it to reopen the doors and gainfully employ another 800 people, the same 800 people.

Has the government or the finance minister not even asked why it shut its doors. Is it because Hyundai is not competitive enough? Is it because it cannot sell cars?

This is the private sector in which the federal government continues to intrude and continues to distort. The private sector wants the government off its back and out of its pockets. It wants to be left alone; it can create the infrastructure. It wants the government to do only what governments can do, and that is peace, order and good government, not investing in the private sector. I do not know how much more emphatically Reformers can say that and repeat that until it finally gets the message across.

The government wants to pass Bill C-14 so that it can borrow money to meet its commitments in the red ink book. It wants to borrow money so that it can create jobs to fund our already too generous social programs rather than review them for ways and means in which it can create a social safety net that protects the truly needy, not those it protects now who do not really need the money.

We have limited dollars. We are living on borrowed money. Why do we not stop wasting borrowed money and reduce the debt and thus reduce the amount we have to borrow? The proper signal should be sent to investors, lenders and consumers that the government will change the mistakes of the past 23 governments and finally make a commitment to the proper principles of economic growth. Lord knows, with all the advice we have available through bureaucracy we could do it.

As a member of the Standing Committee on Finance I have heard some interesting presentations on a replacement tax for the GST. I have also had the very good privilege of questioning the deputy minister of finance, Mr. Dodge. It is worthwhile for the entire Liberal cabinet to listen to him, especially the finance minister to whom this man has to answer. Let me read a comment that he made to the committee referring to our huge debt. He said that the problem was not only a federal one but also a provincial and local one.

In 1992-93 our deficit stood at approximately $40 billion federally and approximately $25 million provincially. The debt at the federal level is getting very close to three-quarters of the GNP. We are paying interest rates that are about 2 per cent above the rate of growth of the economy. That means we have to divert increasing amounts of taxpayers revenues just to service the past debt.

Canada's total budget deficit was the second highest among G-7 countries in 1992. We are just about leading the G-7 with respect to all levels of spending which is approximately 50 per cent of our GNP. The proportion of our debt that is internationally held has increased a great deal over the past 10 years. It is to the point now where the combined federal provincial total is about $750 billion and $300 billion plus is foreign held.

We must pay foreigners more and more to service Canada's foreign debt, approximately $1 of every $20 produced. All we can say is there may come a time when financial markets will feel they can no longer trust Canada to handle its problems. People will want to sell their Canadian bonds and we will no longer be able to borrow. We will face serious problems like New Zealand, Sweden, et cetera.

The important part is that the moment of truth can arrive just like that. That means when the Liberal government's program and budget after this year and next year do not work, its final recourse may be the International Monetary Fund. The government may have to invite them here and I do not think we need that. Do we want to invite the International Monetary Fund to solve our problems? I do not think so.

Is the finance minister listening to his own deputy Minister of Finance? Is the Liberal cabinet discussing the seriousness of the debt and the deficit and the interest costs on servicing that debt? What is going to happen if interest rates continue to rise? I will leave that for another speaker to possibly address.

I recommend we handle our own problems before resorting to groups like the International Monetary Fund. I recommend a complete overhaul and entire review of the taxation system. Never mind just a GST study, make a commitment to an entire

tax review. Get rid of the income tax in its present form. Get rid of the 14,000 books of rules and regulations.

Why does this government not take some advice from one of its own members who worked hard and true on this in opposition, the hon. member for Broadview-Greenwood? I know what his name is but I am not allowed to mention it. He wrote the book The Single Tax .

That has a lot of merit. A flat tax for Canada would help spread the tax load. It would allow us to introduce a lower tax rate. It would help solve the problems with the social safety net with an exemption level for each person that generates money. That would solve the problem. They would not have to pay tax on the first $15,000 for instance. They could then look after themselves without government subsidies and aid. Then the money we did generate as a government could go to the truly needy, the people who really need welfare and those seniors who really need help under the guaranteed income supplement.

Why will the Liberal government not focus on issues like this? There is a member within that party and he is not even in cabinet. He has been shunted right out and I do not understand why.

A flat tax has some other advantages. A flat tax would allow all Canadians on a proportional basis, depending upon the size of their family and the size of their income, to pay the same rate of tax. That would be equal. It would be more equitable and it would be fair. The finance minister always likes to use the word "fair". He has said in his budget speech that his intent and one of the objectives of the federal budget is to restore and sustain fiscal responsibility but I beg to differ.

The other advantages of a flat tax, if the Liberal government were so inclined to review it, would be that being simple it eliminates the need and the work with all these exemptions and loopholes that the finance minister talks about in his budget.

Today when we want to develop a certain sector of our natural resources, we create an incentive for people to invest and we give them a tax deduction. That starts to work or does not work and then later on we take the exemption away. We call it a loophole and we eliminate it. We give and take and give and take.

If we had a flat tax we would not have to worry about incentives, loopholes and deductions. We would only have to figure out mechanisms over and above the personal exemption in terms of charitable donations, perhaps 1 per cent, and in terms of the child credit and child care costs. Those could be incorporated.

After that we could draw a line. We would state what was made, make the deductions, multiply by 15 per cent and send that amount to the federal government. This system would be less complicated and understandable by everybody. It could be put on one sheet. Everybody would be doing it the same way. It is a proportional tax.

I would love to have a debate on this. Perhaps I could convince my own caucus to make a motion at some future point to discuss this flat tax and have a situation in which we solve our own problems. I believe a major overhaul of the entire taxation system would entice more investment in Canada.

We need capital. We need equity capital. Right now the government mentality, especially at the federal level is to continue to live on borrowed money which I call debt capital. There is a big difference. Money that is at risk motivates. Government money, especially borrowed money, is a waste.

I wish at some point in time we could address our entire economic and social problems in a comprehensive and analytical manner. As some Bloc Quebecois members like to say in the finance committee, there should be a complete review of our taxation system category by category, allocation by allocation.

We could then decide what programs we should be funding, what programs should remain in the public sector and what programs should be shunted off to the private sector. Yes, I am talking about privatization. There are a lot of Crown corporations that could be sold off if they are still necessary. If nobody in the private sector wishes to buy them, that is only proof nobody wants the service or needs it anyway.

We could really clean house in this 35th Parliament if we made a commitment. I understand the Bloc Quebecois claims to be fiscally responsible. So does the Reform Party. Why do the cabinet ministers not swallow their pride and listen to some of the comments we make? They could take credit for being the greatest government that ever lived because it finally listened to the people on matters that really counted, money. We pay far too much in taxes and they need to be reduced.

I speak against Bill C-14. I know the government ultimately can put this bill through, but I caution it to at least listen to some of the comments made in this House. Do more than give token interest to what we say. We are here to serve for another four and a half years. We want to be solving the problems for this country, not for some international association.

Income Tax Act March 22nd, 1994

Madam Speaker, the motion we are debating today, that in the opinion of the House the government should amend the Income Tax Act so that child support payments are no longer considered taxable income for the recipients, serves one major and very useful purpose. It draws attention to one of the major problems of single parents, mainly women, and the high cost of raising children.

This issue should be discussed in the House and all its related problems and solutions pointed out. This I will do further on in my speech.

This motion implies that somehow the current income tax laws on alimony and maintenance payments are unfair, contribute to the problem and therefore should be amended. On this point I disagree as do the majority of my colleagues in the Reform Party.

The logic is that since the money is paid to a parent in support of raising children, by taxing this income governments are taxing our children.

This particular logic is fundamentally flawed and the alternatives suggested by this motion may result in children being even worse off.

Under the current Income Tax Act, section 60(b) and (c), the supporting parent is permitted to receive a tax deduction for alimony and maintenance payments while the receiving parent is required, under section 56(1)(b) and (c), to include the receipt of such payments as income if the amount was received under an order or decree made by a competent tribunal in accordance with the laws of a province.

Therefore we are assured that tax is being paid by one parent and the income is not double taxed.

In addition, the receiving parent is given a child tax credit similar to any other parent raising children.

Therefore the alternative in this motion, which suggests a complete overhaul of sections 60 and 56 of the Income Tax Act, may result in less moneys going to the recipient.

Revenue Canada argues that it gives tax breaks to parents who make support payments to compensate them for the loss of dependent deductions lost after a divorce.

In other words, the support recipient now receives the child tax credit and the personal tax exemption which was being deducted by the supporting parent.

This confirms an important accounting principle that is the very basis of the Income Tax Act that where a taxpayer claims a deduction in respect of an expense, the recipient should pay the tax on it.

Herein lies the major problem to the motion before us today. Who will pay the tax on the child support payment if it is no longer considered taxable income for the recipient?

As alluded to before, it is logical to argue that if it were non-taxable for the recipient then Revenue Canada would make it non-taxable for the parent making the payment.

Then my question would be would this result in lower maintenance payments by the supporting parent?

Would this motion, if adopted, generate less revenue to the recipient than the status quo?

The rationale for the current system is simple and sensible. First, the spouse who claims the child tax deduction should also be the one responsible for claiming the income associated with raising the child.

Second, if this money were not to be taxed at all it would create a situation in which separated families are given preferential treatment under the Income Tax Act to that granted to complete families, especially if the receiving spouse is also allowed the child tax credit.

Third, the tax deduction makes the payment of child support more attractive and enticing for the supporting parent to make despite the statistics mentioned by the former member of the Bloc Quebecois. This is a major concession on the part of Revenue Canada because there are no limits to the amount. All that is needed is an agreement.

Fourth, the current arrangement can have an income splitting effect whereby between the two parties less tax is paid overall and more money is available for the child.

Fifth, good, bad or indifferent, whatever the point of view, the current system maximizes the support payment for maintenance.

Having stated why the current system is probably as good as can be expected, I would like to address some of the problems that the motion tries to correct.

First, the real problem is that support recipients spend the money without paying taxes.

Second, as of March 1, 1992 approximately 75 per cent of non-custodial divorced parents who had been ordered to make child support payments were in arrears.

Third, this forces support recipients to turn to social assistance, costing taxpayers money that otherwise should have been paid by the non-custodial parent.

Fourth, insufficient funds either to pay the taxes or care for the child creates stress and extra concern for the custodial parent.

Fifth, in many instances supporting spouses leave the province in order to avoid paying child support. Since it is a provincial responsibility to administer the child support and alimony system authorities are virtually helpless. The result is an increase in welfare costs to the provinces.

What are some of the solutions? We argue against the motion but what can we contribute in the House to help solve this very important problem?

We could leave the current system in place and encourage the courts to recognize better the financial needs of the recipients and the high cost of raising children. We could change the federal-provincial laws to allow interprovincial tracking of non-payers. We could initiate a campaign of shame on those parents who wilfully avoid payments to support their children and reminders to support recipients to remit some taxes periodically throughout the year to reduce the lump sum requirement at tax time. We could lower the tax rate for everyone by lowering government spending. That could be a tough sell in the House.

Unless there is an agreement between the two parents the non-custodial parent does not get the maintenance deduction. Therefore both parties when in divorce court should be made aware of the tax consequences before final agreement is reached. The support recipient should seek more equity through the support system itself and not through the tax system.

In the 1992 federal budget a new child tax benefit was created. It was designed to aid in the fight against child poverty by targeting federal moneys to those families in financial need. The motion helps point out a problem in society but the Income Tax Act did not cause the problem. It was caused by human error on the part of parents for whatever reason. The solution lies in public awareness and education for divorcing couples so that they do not make deals at the kitchen table or, if they make deals at the kitchen table, they are cognizant of the impact of their decisions.

The reality is taxable support payments are better than no support payments. Income tax is far too complicated and too intrusive when involved in dictating through tax preferences our social behaviour. Our entire taxation system should be reviewed, reformed and simplified.

In conclusion, a flat tax for Canada would help solve our social program funding with higher personal exemptions, improve the tax system through simplification, and, for members across the way, create more jobs because taxpayers would have more disposable income.

Supply March 22nd, 1994

My first response, Mr. Speaker, is that the infrastructure program of the government represents only one-half of 1 per cent of the gross domestic product. For the wonderful things that this is going to create, like the leader of my party says, that is like trying to fly a 747 with a flashlight battery.

When the hon. member talks about our plan and how bad it is, we have not had a chance to implement it. Give us a chance. He talks about job creation. When the finance minister first introduced the budget he said: "Give our budget six months at least. Do not hold anything that happens in the economy against us for at least six to seven months. Then give us a judgment".

Now the report comes in that higher employment has been achieved and the Liberal government is quick to jump on the bandwagon and try to take credit for it. There is no consistency of logic there.

With respect to the fact that the government's budget in this infrastructure program is well thought out and well planned and that it is going to take action, I would continue to debate that. It is all rhetoric. It is all talk. No action is being taken. It is filled with 14 or 15 new committees to study everything from social programs to a new study on the GST when the hon. member's own leader-

Supply March 22nd, 1994

You should have stayed there.