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Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was money.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Canadian Alliance MP for South Surrey—White Rock—Langley (B.C.)

Won her last election, in 2000, with 60% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Recognition Of Quebec As A Distinct Society December 6th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to Motion No. 26 this evening.

It is a pleasure to speak to any government legislation of significance these days because the Liberal government has developed a habit of invoking closure on important controversial bills. It is beyond comprehension. This is one of the most important issues before the House and the government is limiting debate. What is the government afraid of, that people may actually find out what it is doing?

It is difficult for me to find parliamentary language to accurately describe my outrage at how the government rams through legislation by denying members of Parliament the opportunity to bring the concerns of their constituents into the debate. However, I digress. I am here to talk about the motion before the House today. I had better take advantage of the opportunity to speak before the Liberals decide they want to invoke closure in the middle of my speech.

The motion is rather simple but leaves many questions unanswered. Motion No. 26 calls on the House to recognize that Quebec is a distinct society within Canada. Before I give my opinion on the issue of whether Quebec is distinct, I will address the issue of what this means to the rest of Canada.

If Quebec is distinct, does that mean that the rest of Canada is indistinct? Does it mean there is no difference between the outports of the Newfoundland coast and downtown Toronto? Does it mean there is no distinction between the isolated native communities of the north and downtown Vancouver? Does it mean the rural grain farming communities of the prairies are indistinct from downtown Ottawa?

The answer to these questions is obvious: No. Not only are the other nine provinces distinct from each other but there are significant distinctions within the provinces themselves.

My first administrative assistant on the Hill was a francophone from Campbellton, New Brunswick. I can accept the fact that she and her fellow francophone New Brunswickers consider themselves to be distinct from the Quebecers who live just on the other side of the Restigouche River.

This motion also recognizes the distinction between francophones in Quebec and New Brunswick but it does not recognize the distinction between New Brunswick's Acadians and New Brunswickers of British origin. Does that mean that there is no distinction between the two groups? That is the biggest flaw of M-26. It demands that this House recognize only one distinction.

Let us look at the three largest metropolitan cities in Canada. I have enjoyed my visits to Montreal and could have spent days wandering in the old town, but like Toronto and Vancouver, Montreal is a city whose population is a blend of old stock Canadians and larger, newer immigrant communities. Immigrants come to these cities from countries that span the globe. What is different is the percentage of the various ethnic groups that make up the population of each of these three cities.

Despite this difference, they are still all large cosmopolitan cities with tall skyscrapers in the central business district surrounded by a mix of industrial and residential communities.

However, the government wants us to recognize that Montreal is distinct but Vancouver and Toronto are not. Why? Because as is stated in part (2) of the motion, the government wants the House to recognize that Quebec's distinct society includes its French speaking majority, unique culture and civil law tradition.

Now we know why Montreal is to be considered distinct and Vancouver and Toronto are not. Montreal is distinct because of its French speaking majority but where does this leave Montreal's anglophones and allophones? According to this motion, they must

be indistinct. Let us flash back to the aftermath of the referendum and Premier Parizeau's comments about the ethnic vote. His comments were roundly and rightfully condemned.

Members opposite were especially vocal in their condemnation of Premier Parizeau's attack on the ethnic vote. What does the government do in response? It put forward this motion that states that Quebec is distinct because of its French speaking majority. It wants to legislate a distinct status for Quebec's francophones, separating them from the ethnic minority, the very fact Liberals condemned Premier Parizeau for stating.

Once again, the government deals in a logic that can only be understood by that side of the House. It must be something in the drinking water in the government lobby.

Let us return to the question: Is Quebec distinct? Yes, Quebec is distinct. But Quebec is a diversified province with one area distinct from another within its own provincial borders, the same as all the other provinces.

The northern parts of British Columbia and Alberta are very different from the southern parts. I recall the comments that the separatists were all spouting after the referendum loss that the results showed division in Canada. No, the referendum result showed the division that there is in the province of Quebec. Although Quebec is no longer a homogeneous province, the federal government wants it to be treated as one.

Points (2) and (3) of the motion state that:

(3) the House undertake to be guided by this reality;

and that:

(4) the House encourage all components of the legislative and executive branches of government to take note of this recognition and be guided in their conduct accordingly.

What this means is extremely unclear. The Prime Minister is telling Quebecers that these sections will provide Quebec with a great deal of power, yet at the same time he is telling Canadians outside Quebec that it does not. Which is it? Let us not leave this motion undefined. Reform Party members have attempted to clarify the meaning of distinct society with our amendment, that this motion does not confer any powers, rights, status or privileges to Quebec that are not provided to any other province. Our amendment will ensure that all Quebecers will be treated equally.

Our amendment also makes it clear that there is nothing in this motion that denies the fact that Canada constitutes one nation. That is the danger of passing the government's motion without the Reform amendment. By identifying Quebec as a distinct society, the government is agreeing with the basic tenet of the separatist mantra that the Quebec people are different from the rest of Canadians. Do the Liberals honestly believe that once they acknowledge this difference they can counter the second part of the separatist argument that because of this difference Quebecers need their own nation?

In dealing with this issue I have tried to do what this government refuses to do: ask the opinions of average Canadians. In my latest householder that has just started to arrive in the homes of my constituents I included my regular 10-question survey. I have two questions in that survey. First, do you believe that Quebec should be granted distinct society status if it confers special privileges or powers to Quebec? Second, do you believe that Quebec should be granted distinct society status if it confers no special privileges or powers to Quebec?

Unfortunately with the government's rush to stifle debate, I will not have enough time to have a truly representative response to these questions. However, as of this moment the answer to the first question is overwhelmingly no. The answer to the second question is still too close to see a trend. My greatest objection to this motion is that the government believes it is ordained to make these serious decisions on its own without any consultation with Canadians.

It would have been more appropriate if the government had stayed to its original plan and had us voting on this motion tomorrow, December 7. What could have been more fitting than having the government ram through a motion in this manner, and by having it do so on a day that already has a reputation of being a day that shall live in infamy. I guess we will have to come up with our own day of infamy, but then the government is providing us with so many.

The people of Surrey-White Rock-South Langley should have had an opportunity to express their opinions on this motion and the veto issue directly through a national referendum. However, they will have to be content with their MP having a chance to contribute in this debate. It is very unfortunate that there are many Canadians who have lost the opportunity to have their member of Parliament speak to this issue.

Immigration December 1st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, last October the deputy minister of immigration signed a memorandum of understanding in Vietnam which allowed for the return of criminal refugees and immigrants from that country.

However, this week when the Vancouver Sun requested a copy of that memorandum of understanding, the department refused to give it to them because it could potentially damage bilateral relations.

Will the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration assure the House that the agreement will be made public forthwith and explain to us what is in the memorandum of understanding which if it is made public might damage bilateral relationships?

British Columbia November 29th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, when the government announces its efforts this afternoon to appease Quebec it will be showing its contempt for the people of British Columbia. By incorporating British Columbia into a veto region with the prairie provinces this government is demonstrating a profound ignorance of our people, geography and history.

A quick look at any atlas will show that British Columbia is a distinct geographical region. Contrary to what the Liberals believe, there is a difference between our Pacific coast and numerous mountain ranges and the wheat fields and gopher mounds of the prairies.

For too long the federal government has exploited British Columbia. We contribute more than our share to the federal coffers, but receive far less than we should when it comes to federal spending or representation in this House.

I agree with the leaders of all the B.C. provincial parties, including Liberal leader Gordon Campbell who denounced this proposal.

In its efforts to appease Quebec, this government-

Petitions November 24th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, in response to the outcry of Canadians for this government to take a more serious stand on dangerous offender legislation, I am adding 1,770 names of Canadians who are asking Parliament to enact legislation against serious personal injury crimes being committed by high risk offenders by permitting the use of post-sentence detention orders and specifically by passing Bill C-240.

Householders November 9th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, one of the cornerstones of renewed federalism must be giving the people of Canada a greater say in the running of the country. Although the Liberals are not too interested in this concept, we in the Reform Party have been trying on our own to truly represent our constituents.

The best means we have available at this time are our householders. In each of my first six householders I have asked 10 questions covering a wide variety of subjects. For the past two weeks I have been collecting results from my latest survey. To date I have over 3,800 responses with hundreds coming in daily.

Liberal members might be interested to learn that their employment equity bill did not fair too well. Only 16 per cent of respondents are in favour of Bill C-64. By comparison, 31 per cent favour the legalization of marijuana and 54 per cent favour the legalization of prostitution.

It is amazing what MPs can learn when they actually listen to their constituents.

Immigration November 8th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, what we are talking about is a court of Canada saying it is okay for criminals and terrorists to enter our country.

Canadians want to know if the government is prepared to use the notwithstanding clause in the charter of rights and freedoms to keep terrorists and criminals out of the country.

Immigration November 8th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, yesterday a federal court judge struck down a section of the Immigration Act that was used to keep members of terrorist groups and criminal organizations out of the country. In the court's questionable wisdom, the judge felt that to deny entry to members of terrorist organizations is a violation of their charter of rights and freedoms guarantee to freedom of association.

I ask the minister of immigration to confirm that it is the intention of the government to appeal this decision and to advise the House on what steps it plans on taking in the meantime to keep members of criminal organizations and terrorist groups out of the country.

Petitions November 6th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to present 209 signatures of my constituents asking that Parliament urge the government to review the Young Offenders Act in an open and accountable process which addresses the following principles: deterrence of the offender, the accountability of the offender, and the rights of the victim.

Immigration November 6th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, in 1989 Mohammed Assaf sponsored his brother and family to settle in Alberta. Since then Alberta taxpayers have shelled out $40,000 in welfare payments to support the family.

Assaf then attempted to sponsor his second wife to Canada and was refused by immigration officials. He decided to go to the IRB that in turn ruled that Assaf did not have to pay his first obligations before sponsoring his second wife.

How will the minister accomplish the task of reducing sponsorship defaults when the IRB is telling sponsors that it does not make any difference whether or not they repay those defaults?

Immigration November 6th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, last year when the minister of immigration introduced a document entitled "A Broader Vision", it acknowledged that defaulted sponsorship obligations cost Canadian taxpayers close to $700 million in 1993. The minister announced that initiatives would be introduced in five areas to reduce that amount.

Could the minister advise the House whether these initiatives have been successful and has the taxpayers' burden to default sponsorship been reduced?