House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was debate.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Conservative MP for Ancaster—Dundas—Flamborough—Aldershot (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 41% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 29th, 1999

That is not true. The member for Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup—Témiscouata—Les Basques says it is propaganda. To tell the world that our country is the best one is not propaganda.

What is going on in Quebec, the debate in this House on nationalism and sovereignty is a good thing. But I want to explain something to hon. members opposite. The best view of Parliament Hill is from the other side of the Ottawa River. This symbolizes the Canadian reality. I am saying that because of this country's political tolerance the best view of Canada is from Quebec.

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 29th, 1999

I am speaking about a very important point.

I would like to say that many people around the world want to visit Canada to see this country, which is an example of extraordinary tolerance. Take the situation here in the House of Commons, where there are sovereignists, good Canadians in my view, separatists, also good Canadians in my view, and supporters of independence, good Canadians as well, because here in this country we can debate the most delicate of political topics.

This sets an example for everyone, and I think that the Canadian Tourism Commission is a good one, because, in my opinion, Canada has a duty to promote a spirit of tolerance around the world. I think that many people in the world want to visit Canada to see not only the countryside, but also this parliament.

During the last referendum campaign, I saw the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition debate the separation of Quebec. I think this was a very important episode in our history. It was also a good example of the spirit of tolerance of our country. The debate that took place in this House reflected the true Canadian spirit of tolerance.

It is important to have a federal tourism commission, not just to promote Canada's beauty around the world, but also its spirit.

It is true that there is Tourisme Québec and also a tourist office in Ontario. But it is not the same when the idea is to promote the best country in the world.

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 29th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am happy to speak to this bill, and I want to comment on the remarks made by the member for Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup—Témiscouata—Les Basques.

Last Friday, the member said that the bill establishing the Canadian Tourism Commission was some kind of government plot to enhance federalism. The member for Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup—Témiscouata—Les Basques said that the bill had nothing to do with tourism but everything to do with promoting federalism. It may be.

I am only a backbencher and I do not know if the government has an non-avowed goal. On this matter, however, I think he might be right, but he may be wrong too, for there are more forests, more lakes and more pristine locations in the beautiful province of Quebec than in Ontario. In fact, I think that Canada as a whole is the most tolerant country in the world, and another non-avowed goal of this bill is to promote the Canadian spirit around the world, not only to collect money from the tourism industry but also to selling the Canadian spirit all around the world.

In the summertime there are always many tourists on Parliament Hill, taking pictures and making videos. They come from Japan, France, Spain, and all over the world. I believe they visit Canada to see not only to see the scenic beauty of the countryside, but also a country that has achieved, in all its regions, the greatest spirit of tolerant in the world.

I say this is what being Canadian is all about, and it goes for people in British Columbia as well as for those in Ontario and Quebec. I will give an example. This afternoon, during question period, the Prime Minister answered questions from the Bloc.

He said that Canada was unique as a country because its Constitution contains no provision prohibiting separation. He mentioned that the Constitution of the United States makes it absolutely impossible to break up the country and that the same is true of France. Under the French Constitution, that the country cannot be tampered with, but here in Canada it possible to have a debate in the House of Commons on sovereignty, separatism, nationalism—

Canadian Institutes Of Health Research Act November 29th, 1999

The question must be clear.

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 26th, 1999

This is an important moment, because it is a question that comes from the heart.

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am Canadian, I come from Ontario and I am an anglophone.

I often visit Quebec, and I really like Quebecers, their culture and Quebec City. I am proud that the world's most beautiful francophone region is a part of Canada. As a Canadian, as a member of this House and as a colleague of the Bloquistes, I want to tell everyone that Quebec is the world's most beautiful francophone region.

I have a question for the hon. member: Why can we not share with you and tell people that Quebec is one of the world's most beautiful regions? I like that region, but unfortunately I do not speak French very well. It is the first time I ask a question in French in the House of Commons.

Supply November 22nd, 1999

Madam Speaker, I watched the opposition leader, the member for Calgary Southwest as he gave his speech on this issue. He said that the provincial Liberals are against this deal. Then he rhymed off the names of all the federal Liberals. He said that the people of B.C. will be watching how these federal Liberals vote tomorrow night. That is what he said.

What was going on there? Was the member for Calgary Southwest really worried about the justice of this treaty, the propriety of this treaty, or was he trying to gain seats for the Reform Party in the next federal election? It is just Reform politics. It is not an honest debate whatsoever.

Youth Criminal Justice Act November 18th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I was not really intending to speak in this particular debate, but I am one of those on this side who happens to be doing his House duty today. I have taken the opportunity as a result of that to look at this legislation and to give it particular attention.

There is an area of the legislation that especially interests me because of my background. I am a former journalist, and actually a police reporter at one time, and I spent a portion of my youth covering crime for newspapers. Any legislation has its flaws and has its merits. I do think that this bill, when it comes to the question of the publication of the names of young offenders, has taken a few positive steps in the direction of expanding the publication of these names, not as far as I would like it to go but it has still advanced the cause.

A lot of people will say or wonder why it should be an issue, the publication of the names of young offenders. The thought in the original Young Offenders Act was that young people, because we wanted to give them every opportunity to be rehabilitated, should have the full protection or as much protection as possible from publicity so that they would have every chance of putting their lives together as adults and to become good citizens.

But this universal ban on the publication of the names of young offenders—and the ban comes with teeth; the newspapers and the television stations that would dare publish these names can be subject to severe penalty if they do so—has come with some costs. One of those costs is that sometimes when young offenders who are well known to be repeat offenders and violent offenders were at large in the community, there was still no effective way to alert the community that these dangerous young people were in the community.

Indeed, there is an instance in my own riding of the local newspaper, the Hamilton Spectator , that dared a few months ago to run a picture of a dangerous young offender who had escaped custody. The newspaper took it upon itself to actually run that photograph to alert the community that this young person was at large. There is an ongoing controversy in the community right now as to whether the newspaper really overstepped the bounds. I have to say that on the face of it, the newspaper broke the law, but I think the newspaper has a legitimate argument that it broke the law in the public interest and we cannot go around breaking laws so the law must be changed.

I think, Mr. Speaker, one of the very positive attributes of this bill when it comes to the provisions for the publication of names is that it does provide in clause 109(4) if the police officer concerned or a youth justice court determines that a young offender at large is dangerous to the community or is in a state of escaping custody, then the youth justice judge or peace officer can seek an order to release the name and presumably, the photograph of the young offender to the media.

I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that this is a very obvious and very necessary provision in this legislation. It is a very positive step indeed. I am sure my home newspaper will feel vindicated that the legislation is moving in precisely the direction that the newspaper determined was in the interests of the community to go. I have to give credit to the newspaper even though I cannot countenance breaking laws. At least the newspaper showed a lot of courage to look after the community interests and published the picture of what appears to be a very dangerous young person.

On the other hand, Mr. Speaker, this legislation also takes a step backward, in my view, when it comes to the issue of the publication of the names and identities of people who are young offenders. Previous to this legislation, or as it exists now before this legislation passes, we have provision for a young person who is facing charges on a very serious crime, murder or other serious crimes. We can transfer that young person to adult court to be tried as an adult. This legislation changes that around and says that particular young person can remain in youth court and be tried for adult sentencing. If you understand, Mr. Speaker, the young person charged with, say, first degree murder who could face a life sentence, instead of going to adult court would stay in youth court and if convicted, would face that adult sentence which could involve life imprisonment.

The problem in that is that under the current system, if that young person being tried for a major crime is transferred to adult court, that court proceeding is done in the open. The media would be able to follow that trial from its beginning to its conclusion. If there was a conviction, we would be able to see the history. It is very important that the public would have had the opportunity to see through the media the progress of that trial leading to a very serious sentence.

Unfortunately, at least in my view, in trying to make the system work better, and I accept that the government is trying to do something positive here, but in moving it back to youth court, the government is providing for publication of the identity of a young offender convicted of a very serious offence, an adult offence with an adult sentence, only after the conviction and only on sentencing.

I suggest to you, Mr. Speaker, that I think that the government has to look at that clause very carefully. I am not one who actually likes very often to cite the charter, but I have a genuine concern that when one is on trial for one's life, whether one is 16 or 60, that trial should be an open process. All the way along it should be an open process. Unfortunately the act as amended with this provision of moving serious offences from adult court back to youth court makes somewhat of a mistake. I do hope that the justice committee, when it reviews this legislation, gives serious consideration to that one particular clause.

Just another thing, Mr. Speaker. There is another clause here that spells out that young people who are victims of the crime committed by the young offender are not allowed to have their identities released either and nothing should be done to identify those young people.

We have a funny situation where the Reform Party, with all due respect, is constantly talking about how we must pay attention to the victims of crime. Here we have a case where, and I acknowledge that it is a very difficult issue for the government, if the victims of the crime are young people, they cannot have the satisfaction of being known to be the victims of the crime, because if they are known to be the victims of the crime, then we have the possibility that the young offender could be identified. Again, this is sort of the judgment of Solomon. We want to protect the identity of the young offender, yet we take away something from the victim of the young offender's crime. Again, I think that is something that needs to be at least debated in committee.

Finally, there is one general shortcoming that the bill does not address on the issue of the identification of young offenders. It is something that in my own experience I would like to see changed. I do not think perhaps I could persuade the justice committee to change it now. I really do think that we should have considered in the legislation the possibility of publicizing the identities of young offenders who have been convicted of summary offences.

Members opposite were talking on several occasions about young people doing vandalism and this kind of thing and getting away with it. They get a slap on the wrist or whatever in the court systems, and there seems to be no decent control on these people who do these petty crimes. Indeed, I think there is a great problem in our schools for young people who resort to acts that would be considered crimes of the type that would be dealt with by summary conviction. These are lesser crimes we might say, minor assaults and that kind of thing.

I would suggest that the real control on doing this kind of thing, as it was when I was young, is the danger that one's name would appear in the local weekly newspaper and one's parents would find out.

I think this is something that we should look at again and consider. It is not just a matter of banning the publication of serious offences. We should also consider the possibility that maybe we should allow the publication of identity for minor offences.

Supply November 16th, 1999

Madam Speaker, I think the government should regard the decision in Marshall as an appellate decision and respect the decision, but not regard it as being instructive on the broader constitutional issue.

I really do believe that the supreme court and the judges have no right to dictate to this parliament. The evidence I put forward is the very fact that the supreme court is not a constitutional entity, it is a creature of this parliament, and this parliament must make the final decisions when it comes to constitutional interpretation.

Supply November 16th, 1999

Madam Speaker, as the member should know, I began my remarks by saying that I would confine them to the Marshall decision.

I point out to him that paragraph (b) of the motion states that the government did not adequately prepare for the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada v Marshall which acknowledged fishing, hunting and gathering rights for Canada's aboriginal peoples.

That is precisely what I spoke about. I wish the member would have at least had the decency to listen.