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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was debate.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Conservative MP for Ancaster—Dundas—Flamborough—Aldershot (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 41% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Bank Act March 24th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I congratulate the member for Kings—Hants for his excellent speech which in comparison to the New Democratic MP who preceded him was a full glass of thought versus an empty glass.

I draw attention to one item in his speech. He commented that in the United States banks much more aggressively chase small business. I suggest to him that part of this is because in the United States there is a whole galaxy of small banks. There is tremendous cutthroat competition and there are a great many failures in the United States banking system because there are so many small banks.

As he said, we enjoy because of our five banks much greater security in the banking system. The price we pay is less aggressiveness in terms of providing a competitive environment for getting the business of small business.

Given that we have five large banks that should be competing for the small business and yet we feel they are not, not effectively, what makes him certain, and maybe he is not certain, these new foreign bank branches will competitively go after small business? Are the competitive incentives there?

Bank Act March 24th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I listened to the member opposite. He brought up the issue of the Tobin tax. I have to say it is terribly typical of members of his generation in this House who talk about issues long on sentiment but very short on practicality.

Yesterday we passed a private member's motion with respect to supporting a Tobin tax, which is a global tax on financial transactions. I have to say that many of the members on my side of the House supported the motion. I did not.

I did not because anyone should realize that the only way this financial transaction tax can ever work is if every country that has a financial transaction market gets on side, everyone. The United States, Europe, the Cayman Islands, everyone has to get on side otherwise the money, the transactions will just flow to wherever there is no tax.

I suggest to the member that here again we have a do good notion that raises expectations. Just as the member said, it is such a great thing, it will solve the world's problem, but he ignores the fact that it can never be implemented. We in parliament should be dealing with issues that are possible with things that can be done, not with simple dreams that look good in the public and perhaps will win the member a few votes. That is not where we should be at.

Bank Act March 24th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I cannot let this opportunity pass without making a comment.

My read on the bank merger was that the danger of having the big banks merge at this time was the amount of exposure to Canada's economy that would be incurred if our banking institutions merged. In the context of a world economy where we have major disasters like the Asian flu, I think the Minister of Finance showed genuine prudence in putting off, at least for now, the prospect of a merger. If there were to be a major loss with these merged banks it could have a catastrophic effect on the economy.

I point out to the member opposite that the CIBC experienced this past year a major downturn and very significant losses. I suggest that we keep our comments closer to the truth. It is not just a matter of competition; it is a matter of the safety of our fiscal and economic nationalism.

Government Services Act, 1999 March 22nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I do not want to prolong this debate, but I cannot let the comments of the member for Selkirk—Interlake go by unchallenged. He said that the truth would come out in the emergency debate last Thursday.

On all the remarks by the member for Selkirk—Interlake about Bill C-19 being inadequate and that we need to amend it so that this sort of situation can never happen again, if people listening to this debate check Hansard of last Thursday they will find that all those remarks and recommendations were made by me, a Liberal.

Moreover, I was the only one during that emergency debate, not the Reformers, who proposed that we should have back to work legislation. I was puzzled by the silence of members of the Reform Party on that issue. They were silent and now I know why. When the motion by the government was put forward on Friday calling for back to work legislation they voted against it.

If people wonder about what is happening here, all they have to do is check with the phone logs of the ridings of the Reform Party and the Liberals. They will find that the phone logs of the ridings of the Liberals will be choked with angry calls from PSAC and that the phone logs of the Reform Party members will be choked with angry calls from farmers.

Who represents whom around here? It is the Liberal Party this time that is representing the farmers and the Reform Party is representing the unions.

Petitions March 19th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to present a petition from constituents in my riding. They call on the government to support a timetable by the year 2000 for the abolition of nuclear weapons worldwide.

Movement Of Grain March 18th, 1999

Madam Speaker, this is not the 1980s. This is not the 1970s. This is not the 1960s. This is the 1990s. In those other decades, it was expected in the labour movement to seek the highest wages possible that the company could afford to pay. Indeed, we saw in those days some very high wages in the industrial sector.

In that same period, the federal government and provincial governments negotiated very high rate with the public service unions. In those days, it was felt that rather than have a confrontation with the union, a government could dig deeply into the pocket of the taxpayer and literally pay off the union to avoid labour strife. This caused a lot of damage in the economy. We know some of the examples.

Ontario Hydro Nuclear is a classic example. Because the Ontario government was so unwilling to negotiate realistic settlements with the union, we got an organization that ultimately came to a point where it could no longer function.

Similarly, VIA Rail had the difficulty that the packages for the employees were so beautiful, so perfect that it became impossible to run passenger trains across the country.

At one time, I had a vision that we could have a cross Canada train like the Orient Express. I was told that it was impossible to do because even though we had the rolling stock, we did not have the ability to deal with a union that had the opportunity to charge double time, triple time and all kinds of things on a train that was going across the country for two or three days. What should have been a wonderful idea was impractical.

Previous governments had given away to public service unions the right to give reasonable wages. Instead, they gave very high wages to avoid labour strife. Those were the times when governments had money to burn it would seem. The previous Tory government ran up a deficit of $42 billion. Times have changed.

In the 1990s in my riding and anywhere in the country where unions are a part of businesses that are in global competition, the unions have had to face the reality that the wages they seek have to be in line with the company's ability to survive competitively.

As an example, in my immediate region there was a very lengthy strike involving meat packers. It was ultimately settled. The situation was very simple. There were changes in the global economy and changes with respect to free trade with the United States. The union could no longer enjoy the very high wages that it had. There was a choice of either taking a rollback or not having a job at all.

We have the same situation now in steel and in every sector of the competitive industry. Things have changed.

In my riding, there is very little sympathy for unions that are in a position to negotiate with a government that has unlimited money behind it, taxpayers' money. People do not have much sympathy any more for governments that would cave in to the unions, rather than stand up to the unions' demands that are no longer reasonable in the context of the 1990s.

We heard the Treasury Board president say that he wants to settle with these unions but they are asking for twice the going rate, twice the reasonable rate. I think I can speak for most people in my riding when I say that those people are behind the President of the Treasury Board. We have passed the time, thank heavens, when governments should just dig deeply in their pockets and give whatever the union demands.

I am entirely in agreement with the President of the Treasury Board. He must hold the line here because we can no longer return to the past as governments and give whatever is demanded of us. We have a responsibility to the taxpayer.

There is the other issue. The other issue is the fact that a very small portion of the Public Service Alliance of Canada union is holding at ransom the lives, the fortunes and the prospects of other Canadians. I refer especially to the grain farmers.

Members will recall two years ago we had before this parliament Bill C-66, which was to amend the Canada Labour Code. There were many provisions in that bill but one key provision was that it attempted to restrict the ability of third party unions to interfere with the transportation of grain in the context of labour strife.

I spoke to that bill way back in 1996, which eventually became law. It was given royal assent just two months ago. I spoke, though, in November 1996. I said:

I would like to add one other remark about a very positive aspect of the legislation. It addresses a past problem involving grain handling at our ports. Situations have arisen in the past where the country was literally held to ransom when our ports were shut down, not by the transportation unions alone, but by affiliated unions, some very small unions on occasion, that have set up picket lines. Of course, other union organizations respect these picket lines and on occasion it led to the paralysis of our ability to move our commodities.

The provision in the bill which limits the right to strike, to paralyze ports, to those unions directly engaged in that form of activity is a very positive one.

That is what I said. I regret those remarks because that provision was only applicable to outside unions, third party unions. We did not make it applicable to small public service unions within the industry. So we have a situation where some 70 employees are holding to ransom tens, hundreds of millions of dollars of the fortune of other Canadians, of their future, their prospects. Seventy public service alliance union members.

Times have very much changed. We have to reconsider as parliamentarians what exactly is the right to strike of union employees who are paid by the taxpayer. What exactly is the right that they have to interfere with the lives of other Canadians when they are paid by the taxpayer? The taxpayer is their employer. They are employed by the people of Canada.

The government should be considering very seriously taking immediate measures to resolve this situation. I am a little bit more direct than some of the Reform speakers are because I think that in the interests of the Canadians who are very adversely affected, we should move very quickly in this case. I see no problem with back to work legislation. But we need to take it one step further. We need to review the Canada Labour Code again and consider whether that code needs another amendment that will close the loophole that enables 70 unionized PSAC employees to hold to ransom an entire nation.

Supply March 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, the member for Medicine Hat connected the standard of living with the low dollar on several occasions in his speech. Would he not agree that the standard of living is actually tied to purchasing power as well as to the level of the dollar? As a matter of fact it is more tied to purchasing power.

All the member has to do is travel to Italy, England, any European country or Japan, for that matter, to find that the real cost of consumer goods, particularly essential goods, is far higher in comparison to Canada. I am talking about rent, foodstuffs and whatever.

This is probably the reason we are still considered by the United Nations as one of the richest countries in the world. Our standard of living is very high. Even though our dollar is low relative to other countries, its purchasing power in Canada is still very high.

The argument he presented, in particular with respect to the low dollar, does not hang together very well. What we are talking about is that when we have a low dollar relative to other nations it attracts investment in the country and encourages the buying of exports. It is a net positive thing rather than a negative thing.

I would like to pose a direct question to the hon. member on the suggestion that somehow the Americans would agree to set their dollar aside for some kind of pan-American special currency. Does he not agree that is pie in the sky, a total dream? The Americans are tough guys in the world when it comes to monetary policy, fiscal policy and economics, and there is no way they would ever give any time to such an idea.

Supply March 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I cannot thank the member more for his observation because I believe absolutely that it is high time we changed those symbols. I would like on all Canadian dollars and all Canadian currency the symbol of the Canadian flag.

The hon. member is absolutely right. It is high time this country cut those symbolic ties to Britain and stood up for itself, Canada united, all of us.

Supply March 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I submit that when a party supports a motion like this, it has to take whatever is behind the motion as well as the motion at face value.

It is very obvious in my mind that the question of money and the symbolic importance of money is very central to how we identify ourselves as countrymen. I caution the member that perhaps he has not thought of this aspect. I have raised this aspect and I had hoped in view of that he might consider how his party will vote on this motion.

Supply March 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to inform the member that since 1993 with this Liberal government, backbench Liberal MPs have been fully engaged in helping to create policy. I can assure him that through committee, through caucus, we will set the government on the right course, protecting our national sovereignty.