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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was debate.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Conservative MP for Ancaster—Dundas—Flamborough—Aldershot (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 41% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Charitable And Non-Profit Organization Director Remuneration Disclosure Act April 15th, 1996

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-262, an act to require charitable and non-profit organizations that receive public funds to declare the remuneration of the directors and senior officers.

Madam Speaker, this private member's bill would provide penalty for those not for profit organizations which fail to disclose the salary and benefits of their executive officers. This includes non-profit organizations as well as charities.

This is the type of accountability that the public is now demanding of those organizations which directly or indirectly receive taxpayers' funds.

This bill is in the same form that Bill C-224 was at the time of prorogation of the first session of the 35th Parliament.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed.)

Department Of Public Works And Government Services Act March 26th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, if I had been here at the commencement of the vote, I would be recorded as having voted with my party. I definitely support my party.

Dangerous Offenders March 25th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to this motion. I have many reservations about the motion which I will put on record.

The hon. member for Surrey-White Rock-South Langley has introduced a motion that calls for making it mandatory for the crown, in all cases in which a person has been convicted of a sexual offence involving a child or sexual assaults, to apply to the court to have the offender declared a dangerous offender whenever two psychiatrists are of the opinion that there is a danger the offender will strike again.

The hon. member is asking the government to implement this through an amendment to part XXIV of the Criminal Code, the part that deals with dangerous offenders. Obviously the hon. member is of the view that the dangerous offenders provision of the Criminal Code needs improvement. Quite possibly it could be improved but I am not sure the measure proposed by the hon. member would carry the appropriate result.

I am not saying part XXIV should never be changed, but the evolution of the dangerous offender concept and the restrictions the charter of rights imposes on that concept indicate we should proceed cautiously in broadening it or oversimplifying it.

The existing dangerous offender system has three components: a focus on the most serious offences, a focus on the pattern of the offender's conduct, and an assessment of the likelihood of the offender's continuing his serious offending. These criteria must be met if we are to justify locking up individuals indefinitely.

I will address one proposed change with which I disagree, a proposal central to this motion, the mandatory aspect. The motion provides that every time two psychiatrists determine that in effect an offender poses a high risk of reoffending, the attorney general of the province in which the offender was convicted shall direct that a dangerous offender application be brought.

I do not support the elimination of the discretion of prosecutors in the bringing of dangerous offender applications. It would be unwise to do so. The criteria for a dangerous offender finding are contained within the Criminal Code. This is a concept created by criminal law and supported by criminal procedure.

It is true these criteria rely heavily on psychiatric prediction of risk, but medical standards are not the only ones that have to be met. Section 753 of the Criminal Code requires that the likelihood of the offender's committing further harm must be established to the satisfaction of the court. This is not entirely or even primarily a matter of medical or statistical prediction but a legal decision made according to criteria legislated by Parliament.

The crown should possess the discretion, considering all evidence available to it, to estimate whether an application will be strong enough to meet this legal standard. If an application is brought without meeting this legal standard, it is a waste of time and resources and will not succeed.

I also want to address the issue of broadening the scope of the legislation. The motion would broaden part XXIV to capture any sex offence against a child. This would include cases of sexual interference under section 151 and an invitation to sexual touching under section 152 of the Criminal Code. While these crimes carry a maximum penalty of 10-year's imprisonment, individual offences usually do not receive such lengthy sentences nor do they typically involve the degree of violence envisioned in part XXIV. In broadening the target group so much, the motion before us runs a serious risk of conflicting with the charter and a 1987 Supreme Court decision.

The current dangerous offender provisions came into the Criminal Code in 1977 and replaced the habitual offenders provisions that had been found to be too broad. These amendments were designed to be more precise, to target the most serious offenders and, similarly, to avoid widening the net too much. In essence, Parliament was saying, let us target the worst offenders without sweeping in the low risk and the nuisance cases.

The dangerous offender legislation passed a major hurdle with the Supreme Court of Canada decision in R. v. Lyons in 1987. The court ruled that the dangerous offender provisions did not violate the charter of rights and freedoms. This case constitutes a firm indication by the Supreme Court that any law that seeks to sentence a citizen to an indefinite term in a penitentiary must be well tailored and confined to the most serious circumstances.

In broadening the target groups so much, the motion before us runs a serious risk of conflicting with this decision. I doubt that the Supreme Court would find this much net widening consistent with the charter, particularly when given the new rules prescribed elsewhere in this motion. Crown attorneys would be forced to launch many more applications. The court, as in the Lyons case, would be vigilant to the potential for abuse in the overall structure of the procedure.

In the same Lyons case, the Supreme Court also stated that it was important for the crown to have some discretion in bringing dangerous offender applications and that the absence of any such discretion could lead to a conclusion that the law is arbitrary. That could very well be the case if Parliament was to legislate according to this motion before us today.

I would like to point out how successful part XXIV of the Criminal Code has proven to be. Between 1977 and 1995 approximately 143 offenders were found to be dangerous offenders and sentenced indeterminately to a Canadian penitentiary. Of that number, 134 remain there still.

There are signs that the provinces are using the procedure more often. Successful applications usually average eight or nine a year. In 1993 there were 15 successful cases. In 1994 there were 13 cases. We all remember the recent designation of Paul Bernardo as a dangerous offender.

I suggest that the current motion is not an appropriate way to improve the dangerous offender legislation. I regret that I cannot support this motion.

The Budget March 18th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I paid great attention to the remarks of the member for Frontenac. I must say I am sometimes mystified by the position the Bloc Quebecois takes from time to time.

In the course of his remarks the member was commenting on how the Quebec milk producers produce 50 per cent of the industrial milk for the rest of Canada. In the same breath he was extolling the virtues of the milk marketing board which is a Canadian institution. This is a contradiction in the position by the Bloc Quebecois.

The milk marketing boards, the supply management system, are very much a federal institution. If Quebec were to separate it would spell the end of the supply management system. Would the hon. member not admit that this would cause great hardship to the milk producers and would lead to the loss of many hundreds of family farms?

The Budget March 18th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I listened with great attention to the remarks of the member for Bourassa, particularly the comments about the 19 labour investment funds that have total assets ranging from $2.5 billion to $3 billion. I know a little bit about them and I take exception to his suggestion that these funds are unfairly attacked in the budget. He seems to be implying that these funds are creating jobs.

They are not creating very many jobs. They are great for investors because of the tax credit but most of their assets are tied up in blue chip stocks and money market vehicles.

Would the member for Bourassa support me in pressing the government for an amendment that would require the labour investment funds to invest at least half their assets in Canadian small businesses so that at least $1.5 billion of it would be used to create jobs?

Supply March 15th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I listened attentively to the hon. member for Calgary West. I was not at all disturbed with the premise that we should be having this debate because there is a byelection occurring in Labrador. It is quite proper to bring issues from ridings to the floor when a byelection is about to take place. This may be the Reform Party's motive for bringing the motion forward, but in something like this when we are facing a byelection, we should be very honest with the voters and not attempt to raise false hopes.

I say that because I have listened to the debate very carefully. It is very clear that the existing contract is one which has been affirmed by the Supreme Court and cannot be broken. I believe every member on the Liberal side would agree with me that it has been a most inequitable contract and that Newfoundland and Labrador is not getting its fair share in this.

However, the Reform Party is also a party which argues very strongly for provincial rights as opposed to federal power: decentralization and more sovereignty to the provinces. Therefore, we get into a contradiction because even though it is an inequitable contract, I do not think we can ever realistically believe that the current Quebec government or even its predecessors would ever agree to the reopening of the contract at a cost to the province of Quebec of $200 million to $300 million annually if the contract were to be renegotiated in a fair manner.

The motion states that "this House condemn the government for refusing to resolve the injustice of the Churchill Falls hydro contract". If, heaven forbid, the member for Calgary West actually were the leader of a party that had the majority in this House, if the Reform Party ever arrived at that happy state, what would he do to resolve this injustice without actually breaking the contract that exists or without actually applying great federal power on the province? It seems to me he would have great difficulty.

Supply March 15th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member from the Reform Party is dreaming if he thinks the contract will be reopened under any current circumstances primarily because it is far too profitable for Quebec.

The Reform Party has taken the position that Canada should set the terms for sovereignty before the next referendum. Has it occurred to the hon. member and his party that the Churchill Falls contract would certainly be something that would be open for negotiation in the event of any kind of debate or negotiation with respect to sovereignty?

I do not think we will ever see the day when there will be a referendum in which Quebecers choose to separate from Canada. However, we should still put on the table the fact that were there negotiations for a separate Quebec, the Churchill Falls contract would have to be on the table and Quebec would have to concede a fair arrangement with Newfoundland and Labrador which would probably cost the new sovereign state of Quebec many hundreds of millions of dollars annually.

Perhaps my colleague from the Reform Party would care to comment on those remarks.

Supply March 15th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the contract we are discussing concerns two Canadian provinces. I understand that if Quebec separates from the rest of Canada, the Churchill Falls contract will be nul and void. It will have to be renegotiated. It seems to me that that would be good for Labrador and Newfoundland.

I would like to ask the member for Matapédia-Matane to tell us his thoughts on this matter, which is of some interest to all Canadians.

Privilege March 14th, 1996

I too.

Privilege March 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, this is the crux of the problem. We are not seeking action against any particular member of Parliament. We are seeking clarification of words that were said that caused great concern both in the nation and within Parliament. It is the words we have to examine. This is not a kangaroo court, this is Parliament that is operating here.