Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was tax.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Progressive Conservative MP for Markham (Ontario)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 19% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Personal Information Protection And Electronic Documents Act June 2nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the PC Party of Canada, I am pleased to speak to the Group No. 1 amendments to Bill C-54, the personal information protection and electronic documents act.

I would like to thank the many witnesses who took the time to make submissions either in person or in writing to the Standing Committee on Industry. Their representations were extremely helpful with respect to bringing new issues to light.

I would like to pay tribute to my colleagues on the industry committee for their vigorous discussion of the contents of the bill, in particular my colleagues from Mercier, Lévis and Notre-Dame-de-Grâce—Lachine. Regardless of our political differences, we are all trying to ensure that parliament acts appropriately on legislative matters. Moreover I would like to note the efforts of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Industry for his credible defence of the government's position. I would also like to commend the member for Durham for bringing forward an amendment at committee to clause 18 of the bill which was identical to an amendment I sponsored.

We in the PC Party believe in the need for personal privacy legislation but we do not feel the government has adequately taken into account the views and concerns of the Ontario and Quebec governments. We do not feel it has adequately considered the cost impact of Bill C-54's new regulatory regime on the private sector.

We do not see the need in rushing to pass a law to meet a European Union directive when our number one e-commerce and overall trading partner has adopted a diametrically different approach.

I will now speak to the specific amendments in Group No. 1, all of which were sponsored by the member for Mercier. I especially salute the work of the member. While I certainly find myself at the opposite end of her separatist convictions, I do admire her dedication in opposing the bill.

To be fair to the member for Mercier, I would like to note for the record that at the industry committee, the member presented the following motion:

Whereas witnesses were recently heard by the Standing Committee on Industry, on Bill C-54, concerning the major problems in implementing this legislation; and took into account the big application difficulties of this bill,

Whereas the Quebec government has repeated its demand that Bill C-54 be withdrawn,

That the committee suspend clause-by-clause consideration of Bill C-54 and ask the industry minister to undertake negotiations with all the provinces, to forestall any constitutional challenge that might impair the attainment of its objectives.

This motion was defeated seven to four by the Liberal majority. Support for the Bloc amendment crossed party lines with all the opposition members voting in support, namely my Reform colleague from North Vancouver, my Bloc colleague from Lévis, the member for Mercier and me as the Conservative member.

Having heard so many concerns from witnesses, the Liberals had a choice to take their time and consider meaningful changes to Bill C-54. The Bloc, Reform and the Conservatives were ready to work together to draft a better bill.

To their credit the Liberals allowed for some minor tinkering to Bill C-54. For example they supported two of the 16 amendments I brought forward. But on the major question of over-regulation in the form of excessive powers granted to the privacy commissioner and provoking battles with the Ontario and Quebec governments, they refused to budge. They refused to co-operate; they refused to compromise.

On behalf of the PC Party, I refuse to blindly support Bill C-54 for the sake of getting a law, any law, on personal privacy and e-commerce.

One glaring example of the defects in this legislation is clause 18(1) which would give the privacy commissioner the right to audit a company based on disputes regarding recommended business practices which are listed under schedule 1 of the bill. Recommended business practices are just that, recommendations. They are not laws and should therefore not be enforced as such.

The privacy commissioner should be allowed to conduct an audit only where there are reasonable grounds to believe that the law has been violated. Audits are intrusive and place a heavy administrative burden on the business operations of Canadian companies. The audit power under Bill C-54 should only be used to cover alleged violations of mandatory obligations set out in the bill.

The privacy commissioner should not be permitted to micromanage whether or not a company complies with recommended business practices, such as what types of passwords or encryptions are being used by a company.

Furthermore, clause 18(1) as presently drafted is not necessary since Bill C-54 already provides the privacy commissioner with the tools needed to ensure the compliance of schedule 1. For example, clause 11 allows an individual to file a complaint if he or she feels that an organization is contravening the legislation or not following a recommended business practice. Furthermore, clause 12 gives the privacy commissioner the power to investigate all complaints, including complaints that an organization is not following a recommended business practice.

I must also reiterate the longstanding objections of a variety of witnesses to the far-ranging powers granted to the privacy commissioner under clauses 12 and 18. While I do not object to extending search and seizure power to the privacy commissioner under Bill C-54, it is in the best interests of all concerned that that office be required to obtain prior judicial authorization.

The lack of any obligation for the privacy commissioner to obtain the approval of our courts before exercising search and seizure powers is deeply troubling. Clauses 12 and 18 of Bill C-54 create a fundamental conflict by allowing the privacy commissioner to determine whether or not to exercise search and seizure powers and to execute those same powers. The authorization should be granted by a neutral third party, as is the case for criminal investigations.

Bill C-54 already provides the privacy commissioner with broad investigation and audit powers. The commissioner may summon and enforce appearance of persons under oath, converse with any person, compel the production of documents and receive and accept any evidence in the same manner and to the same extent as a superior court.

It is for these reasons that additional safeguards are needed in Bill C-54 as it relates to the privacy commissioner or his delegate actually entering the premises of a private organization and seizing records.

These are not just the concerns of allegedly self-interested companies. Indeed, Blair MacKenzie from the Canadian Newspapers Association told the industry committee that these provisions within Bill C-54 are “frightening”. Other witnesses have alluded to these provisions of the bill prompting challenges under the charter of rights and freedoms if the privacy commissioner acted upon clauses 12 or 18.

I am also troubled that the government did not bring forward any study or reports on the cost impact of Bill C-54. From a legal, constitutional and economic standpoint, these unfettered audit powers constitute a tremendous defect in the legislation.

Sadly, the Liberal majority decided to ignore the fears of free speech advocates, ignore the pleas of the private sector and chose to defeat my amendments to oblige the privacy commissioner to obtain a court order before exercising search and seizure.

If there is any reluctance I have in supporting the Group No. 1 amendments, it is due to Motion No. 56 and up which deal with part 2 through part 5. Most of these objections pertain to part 1 of Bill C-54.

Unfortunately the familiar double dose of Liberal arrogance and heavy handedness has left me, on behalf of the Conservative caucus, with no choice but to support the Group No. 1 amendments. The Liberals had their chance to co-operate at committee to make a substantially better bill and they chose not to.

Government Contracts June 2nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, if there is not a shred of evidence, let us table all of the documents.

We, the Conservative caucus, were the first to urge the Prime Minister to use section 11 of the Auditor General Act to clear the air on this scandal. Only an independent investigation from an apolitical, arm's length office can credibly examine the nearly $9 million in questionable HRDC grants, federal business loans and CIDA grants to the Prime Minister's friends and constituents.

Is the Prime Minister refusing to ask the auditor general to investigate because of what might be uncovered?

Government Contracts June 2nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, yesterday the Prime Minister refused to answer three simple questions: First, will he ask his HRDC minister to release the 363 pages withheld from my access to information request on the Duhaime and Thibault deals; second, will he release all the documents regarding the CIDA contract to Claude Gauthier; and third, will he invoke section 11 of the Auditor General Act to investigate this questionable use of taxpayers' dollars?

Will the Prime Minister answer these questions or will he keep hiding behind his cabinet ministers?

Government Contracts June 1st, 1999

Mr. Speaker, will the Prime Minister tell us if he is staying on for any other reason besides making it to the millennium and lining the pockets of his friends?

Government Contracts June 1st, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the longer the Prime Minister stays in office, the richer his friends become. He hides behind—

Government Contracts June 1st, 1999

Mr. Speaker, in the past five years Transelec Inc. gave $28,000 to the Liberal Party, on top of a $5,000 donation to the Prime Minister in 1993 and a $10,000 donation to the Prime Minister in 1997. Meanwhile Transelec president and part owner Claude Gauthier paid half a million dollars for land from the Prime Minister's numbered company. It comes as no surprise that Transelec got a $6.3 million CIDA contract at the expense of legitimate companies like Markham Electric.

Did the Prime Minister, his office or his agent intervene in any way to ensure that his pal was awarded the contract?

Questions On The Order Paper May 31st, 1999

For the 1997-98 fiscal year what were (i) the eligibility requirements, (ii) the repayment obligations, (iii) the average contribution made in the ridings of Markham, Saint John, Calgary Southwest, Halifax, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, Saint-Maurice, Ottawa South and Lasalle—Émard, (iv) the average contribution made in the provinces of Quebec, Ontario, Alberta, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick; and (v) the average contribution made nationwide, for each of the following business Development Bank of Canada initiatives: ( a ) techno-net, e-commerce term loans; ( b ) micro Business program; ( c ) patient capital; ( d ) term loans; ( e ) venture loans; ( f ) working capital for growth; ( g ) working capital for exporters; ( h ) tourism investment fund-development capital for tourism; ( i ) young entrepreneur financing program; and ( j ) growth capital for aboriginal business?

Competition Act May 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am sorry about that. The bill's proponents, which include independent gas stations, independent grocers and the Canadian Federation of Independent Businesses, cite the following reasons to support Bill C-235: to give the Federal Competition Bureau of Canada the tools to fight predatory pricing; to ensure the continuing existence of small businesses, thus ensuring a competitive marketplace and lowering retail prices; and to follow the example of the United States which has strong predatory pricing laws at the state level.

Witnesses before the industry committee in March and April clearly showed a lack of real hard evidence to support these assertions. Although Bill C-235 proponents have used the fluctuation in retail gas prices to substantiate their causes, the bill would impact negatively on large segments of the Canadian economy.

Organizations that have spoken out against the bill include the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, the Canadian Bar Association, the Canadian Automobile Association, the Information Technology Association of Canada, Bell Canada, the CRTC, the Canadian Petroleum Products Institute, IBM Canada Limited, Sun Microsystems and Hewlett- Packard Canada Limited. I note the importance of IBM Canada and Sun Microsystems to the GTA economy. Both companies have their head offices in Markham.

From a nationwide perspective the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, which represents 170,000 small, medium and large businesses throughout Canada, noted that the regulatory amendments in Bill C-235 would lead to higher prices for both consumers and businesses in the following industries: computer white goods, for example, refrigerators, stoves, washing machines, dryers, et cetera; electronic appliances, for example, stereo equipment, microwave ovens, video recorders; computer products, including a broad range of accessories; office equipment; telecommunications products; furniture; clothing; grocery wholesaling; meat processing, for example, poultry, pork, beef, fish; transportation; petroleum products; paint, wallpaper and other home improvement products; a broad range of petrochemical products; and a broad range of industrial products.

The bill is not just about gasoline pricing. It is about how our private companies maximize their legitimate marketing channels.

What about the statement that predatory pricing laws in the United States similar to Bill C-235 have kept prices down. Credible studies conclude that legislation in numerous U.S. states has proven to be counterproductive. A study prepared by Terry Calvani, a former commissioner of the United States Trade Commission, concluded that such gasoline pricing laws have increased costs to consumers and appear not to have provided independent dealers either higher profits or greater stability.

Let us never forget that the Competition Act already contains provisions to deal with any competitive conduct as highlighted by Bill C-235.

The predatory pricing and abuse of dominance provisions in sections 50(1)(c) and 79 of the act sufficiently address incidences of true predatory pricing. Furthermore, the conduct proposed by Bill C-235's proposed addition to section 78(1) of the Competition Act is already prohibited under section 61 of the act.

I am not saying that the heartfelt pleas for action the industry committee heard should be dismissed out of hand. There may be a need for amendments to the Competition Act. That is why the industry committee has decided to review the Competition Act to evaluate whether it sufficiently reflects the demands of the current marketplace. If the committee finds there is credible independent evidence that amendments like the ones proposed in Bill C-235 are needed, that is the time we should consider amendments.

At present Bill C-235 is premature. With the negative effects of our economy as a result of Bill C-235 presently appearing to far outweigh any positive effect, we should not rush into passing this law without careful review.

I recognize that my Conservative friends in the Ontario government support Bill C-235. To me this demonstrates one of the clear differences between a Conservative and a Liberal. While Conservatives respect and allow for differences of opinion, Liberals let loose the lash of the government whip to try to keep members singing from the same song sheet.

While I have kind words for my Ontario Conservative friends, I must object for the record to some of the tactics used by Bill C-235 supporters in Ottawa, including some members of the House.

While witnesses supporting Bill C-235 were treated with the utmost respect by members representing all points of view on the bill, witnesses opposing Bill C-235 had their motives questioned, were interrupted and sometimes abused by committee members, and were attacked as being pawns of large oil companies and big corporations. This type of behaviour in promoting a cause smacks of McCarthyism, Canadian style, and does little to enhance either the image of parliament or the concerns which Bill C-235 attempts to address.

To reiterate, the potential economic costs of Bill C-235 are too high to enact new provisions to the Competition Act dealing with topics already covered by existing sections. On behalf of the PC Party of Canada I urge all members to oppose amendments to Bill C-235 at report stage and to oppose the bill at third reading.

Competition Act May 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak on behalf of the PC Party of Canada to Bill C-235.

Before I comment on the legislation itself I would like to commend the many years of research and hard work on this subject done by the member for Pickering—Ajax—Uxbridge. While I do not necessarily share his belief in the need for this legislation, I do applaud the initiative, energy and passion he has brought to this debate.

As mentioned by other members, the intent of this legislation would provide a basis for the enforcement of fair pricing between a manufacturer who sells a product at retail either directly or through an affiliate and also supplies the product to a customer who competes with the supplier at the retail level.

This bill would presumably give the customer a fair opportunity to make a similar profit. It would also provide that a supplier who attempts to coerce a customer in the establishment of a retail price or a retail marketing policy may be dealt with as having committed an anti-competitive action under the Competition Act.

While the majority of the PC caucus supported Bill C-235 at second reading, most members did so out of the spirit of fair play to allow this bill to be given broad study and scrutiny at the industry committee. During committee proceedings, having heard many reasonable objections to Bill C-235 from a variety of credible organizations, which I will outline, I opted to support the government's motion to report Bill C-235 to the House with every clause deleted.

Mr. McTeague subsequently tabled amendments at report stage to essentially restore—

Government Grants May 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, no ordinary person can meet with their local MP and get $600,000 of taxpayers' money with no questions asked. No ordinary person can summon well connected Liberals to squeeze another $100,000 from the government.

The questions mount, but the Prime Minister's non-answers persist. If the Prime Minister wants Canadians to trust him, why will he not release every single document related to these shady hotel deals, or will he continue to let the industry committee chair fight his battles for him?