House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was place.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Liberal MP for Mississauga West (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 63% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Income Tax Amendments Act, 1997 February 2nd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, talk about verbal gymnastics, I think he just called me a liar and I pretty much take exception to that.

If the hon. member knew the first thing about my great province of Ontario, I might have a bit of respect for his comments. He does not.

Let me say what has happened in the province of Ontario. If they do not think there is a problem, ask the people at Women's College hospital. Ask the people at the Queen Street mental health unit. Ask the people who live on the streets of the city of Toronto. Ask the new mayor of Toronto why he found it necessary to unilaterally ask Anne Golden to head up a commission to study the problems around housing in the city of Toronto. There has been without a doubt an unequivocal abandonment of the people who are the most vulnerable in our province by a government that is bound, determined and bent on doing one thing, and that is delivering a 30% tax decrease.

Income Tax Amendments Act, 1997 February 2nd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in support of this bill, a bill that the government feels must be put through early in this session so that we can address many of the concerns which we are hearing about today with regard to the transfer payments to the provinces and the condition of our health care and education systems.

First I would like to make a couple of brief remarks about some of the comments made this morning. It is nice to see the member for Kings—Hants here. I am having my office courier the dozen or so copies of

Hansard

containing the previous speeches I have made. That was not my maiden voyage in this place earlier today.

His remarks when he talked about revisionism and the viewpoint on the economic things which have happened in this country since 1993 are quite remarkable.

The people sent a clear message, as has been pointed out, to the Conservative Party in 1993. That message did not change a lot in the last election, even though it did add a few members from eastern Canada. Some may be delighted to see them here and others perhaps not so much.

One of the things which is interesting is that we have heard about people's viewpoints from different parts of the country. I conducted a session in my riding. I invited people to come in as part of a budget consultation process to decide whether or not we really should stick to the election promise which was that 50% of whatever surplus would go toward two issues; 50% would go toward debt reduction and certain tax reductions and the other 50% would go toward program spending, most notably toward issues like health care and education.

Rather than just assume because we were elected with that as a major plank in our platform that everyone agreed that is how we should carry on, I thought it was important to poll people from the communities of Mississauga and Brampton. Some of the municipal leaders, educational folks, business people, the boards of trade, local business people, interested citizens of both the cities of Brampton and Mississauga came and we discussed that particular issue.

We hear calls from all sides. The NDP says we should spend more. The Reform Party says we should cut more. The Conservatives are simply saying we should reduce taxes. Without the balance which is needed in this place, I thought it was important to go to the people and find out if they still supported the general thrust and direction that the government was following. We came up with a number of very interesting facts and statements.

If members saw the list of participants in the round table discussion that we had, they would know that many of them were people who perhaps would be classified as more right wing than left. Perhaps some of the people from the educational side would be concerned more about social issues. If members knew the community I represented, they would understand that the majority of people in the room would be more business oriented and in my view they would be more concerned about reduced taxes, less government, all of those issues.

We simply reported the facts. My colleague from Mississauga South and I were there to listen to what the people had to say about the 50:50 plan. Let me share some of the results.

In the area of general impressions there was a clear consensus that the government had made excellent progress in putting its fiscal house in order and had achieved it in a fair and balanced fashion.

Once we did this and compiled the data, we shared this with the participants. We were delighted to find that they agreed that we had indeed recorded that consensus accurately.

It was felt that the approach we were taking would provide sufficient latitude to meet the need to reduce the debt and to make targeted tax cuts to restore some social spending and to make stimulative investments in programs.

Let us talk about restoring some of the funding, the restoration of the floor as it is referred to in the case of the CHST, the Canada health and social transfer which replaces the CAP, the Canada assistance plan to a level of $12.5 billion. I believe it was the member for Kamloops who said that it was somewhat deceitful, that it was trickery. It is not at all.

We clearly announced in the election campaign that those transfer payments had been reduced to $11 billion due primarily to the fact that we had inherited a $42 billion deficit, an overdraft of $42 billion. Canadians would understand that. Often there is confusion and discussion about what is a deficit and what is a debt. A deficit is an overdraft and a debt is a mortgage. We had a $42 billion overdraft that the Conservative Party under Mr. Mulroney left as its legacy to the Canadian people.

We simply had to make changes. I will admit that the transfer payments were indeed reduced to $11 billion. However, as progress was made due to the leadership, due to the financial strength that this government was showing, due to a commitment to stick to the guns, to follow the policies led by the Prime Minister and the Minister of Finance, due to the improvement in our financial situation and nothing else, we were able to restore the funding levels and put back the floor in the transfer payments to $12.5 billion.

Perhaps more significantly, we have made a commitment. It is a five year commitment which says that the level of transfer payments will not fall below $12.5 billion. I would hope that all future governments would be able to live up to that kind of a commitment. One of the things I have found in my 20 years or so in elected office is that the most difficult thing to do for any government be it municipal, provincial or federal, is to plan properly and far enough in advance so that the hiccups and bumps that occur when certain crises occur can be avoided.

As a federal government we must be the leaders. We must say to our provincial partners who in turn work with their partners in health care and education and at the municipal level. We want to be able to say to them “Here is something to count on. You can be assured that the CHST transfers will never fall below the floor of $12.5 billion”. The ability that then gives the provinces in knowing what their per capita share might be or what their total revenue pot might be in my view gives them a better opportunity to plan. I think that is an obligation we have as a federal government and is something I am pleased to see we are doing.

Somebody else also made reference to the fact that there would be some damage that would occur in certain parts of the country because of changes in the amount of money that was transferred to certain provinces or territories based on a per capita formula. Someone said that it was unfair. We talk about representation in this place. We talk about equality in this place. We talk about providing services for all Canadians. With a mind to certain adjustments that may need to take place due to certain geographical problems, transportation problems and other issues of concern such as climate or problems in the economy, what could be more fair in determining a floor, a base, a guaranteed amount than doing it on a per capita basis?

The province of Ontario of course represents the largest area in terms of population. The grant formula will provide $9.1 billion to the province of Ontario. The second largest population area being the province of Quebec it comes in at $6.8 billion and British Columbia at $3.1 billion and so on.

The point is that the provinces, under the somewhat difficult arrangement we have in the federation of Canada, deliver the services. They are on the front lines in making sure that health care is delivered to the Canadian people. Therefore it is our responsibility to set standards and to provide the funding based on the fact that we collect tax revenue from all Canadians.

By and large the system works reasonably well. Where we run into problems I would submit is when we get into the one-upmanship of partisan politics where somebody decides that because they want a headline, they want to look better or they want to win an election, they are going to dangle something like a tax cut out front.

The people clearly want to see tax relief. I believe they will see tax relief in the Minister of Finance's budget. We have said we are committed to reducing taxes in this country. I happen to represent a community that is a prime example and provides the proof of how it should never be done. It should never be done across the board and it should never be done on a flat percentage.

People understand that the Conservative proposal of a 10% tax cut across the board will clearly benefit people who earn in the six figure range dramatically more than it will the people who earn $15,000, $20,000 or $30,000, the examples that the so-called compassionate right, the Reform, is throwing out on the table. It is trying to pretend to the Canadian people that it is concerned about people earning $15,000 a year and whether or not they should pay taxes. This is a born again political vision that we are seeing in this place and is really quite remarkable.

The Reform Party would support an across the board cut. All we hear about are the cuts instead of being responsible and standing up and saying that we have to ensure that the strength of our health care system is maintained. I would suggest that comparing our way of life, in listening to the member opposite almost acting like a cheerleader for the United States way of life, frankly worries me.

It worries me when I hear elected representatives telling the Canadian people that life is so much better in the U.S.A. I am not an American basher. I happen to think it is a wonderful nation but it is fraught with economic problems and its debt. I do not know anybody who could even figure out how many zeros there are in trillions, and that is its debt we are talking about here. We are talking about trillions. They have more serious problems and yet we hear members of the Reform Party saying that all the solutions are there.

A young man 28 years ago, who was the best man at my wedding, moved to the United States with his wife. His wife was diagnosed with cancer. His wife is fine today. The cancer has been beaten back, but it cost that family a quarter of a million dollars to deal with that health care crisis.

I heckled and yelled don't get sick in the States and it is true. Yes, people can buy health care plans, but the operative word is buy.

What we have here is the envy of the world. Are there problems? Yes, there are problems. There are problems in the province of Ontario because the current government has decided it is more important to deliver a 30% tax cut than it is to provide fair and equitable health care treatment.

We have the five pillars of medicare in this country, accessibility, portability, universality, public administration and public funding. I have a bit of a concern about whether we need to expand those pillars. We continue to provide a base floor and a level of grant structure for the provincial governments to deliver health care. However, if they in turn take the money and simply cut other areas while delivering the health care dollars to the point where they can deliver a tax cut, and they take money out of the mental health treatment programs in Ontario, I want to say to Mr. Harris and Ms. Witmer, for whom I have a lot of respect, that they are on a very dangerous slippery slope. They are closing 2,000 beds in psychiatric care facilities, most of them in the greater Toronto area.

What is the result? We can see it. We wonder why there are 7,000 people living on the street in the city of Toronto. We should ask ourselves are those people healthy. Who would live on the street in February in Canada?

We have to recognize that those people are sick. They need help. They need community resources. Elected representatives at all levels must be prepared to take a stand to provide the kind of care they need, but we cannot do that.

Minister Witmer has said they will study the situation as a result of a seven part series done by the Toronto

Star

. They are going to study it, but they are going to go ahead with the bed closures anyway. It is scary, frankly, when we think about society's most vulnerable people.

I have colleagues in this place who also served in the Ontario legislature, as did I, who would tell us that it is absolutely mind boggling what the Tories are doing in Ontario in the area of health care and they are blaming it on cuts to transfer payments. However, we know it is a result of their desire to pass on a tax cut.

In the session we had we talked about tax cuts. Someone earlier referred to the brain drain. Let me share the message which I got from those people. This is exactly what I heard from that group. Concern was expressed about the issue of brain drain and the inadequacy of incentives for our best researchers to remain in Canada. A strong case was made to restore funding for our social humanities and medical research granting agencies.

How do we do that? Do we do that by cutting taxes? Do we do that by reducing the revenue that is available to the federal treasury while on the other hand increasing our commitments to research? You cannot have it both ways. This government, like any government, if it is responsible, should find ways to trim the fat. I think we have done that. The results are there. The job is not nearly over.

It is my hope that when the finance minister comes out with his budget we will see a plan that clearly outlines—I am confident—a commitment to repaying that $600 billion debt which, when the provincial debt is added, is $800 billion. That is unacceptable. It is too high. We have to attack it and we will.

I hope we will see a plan to provide some tax relief to hardworking Canadians but not abandon this Liberal Party's traditional commitment to better education and better quality health care for all Canadians. That is very much what Bill C-28 is about, restoring the level of funding and in putting forward other programs to help our charities and our young people to build a stronger economy.

Income Tax Amendments Act, 1997 February 2nd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I have some questions that perhaps the hon. member might address.

We experienced in the province of Ontario the results of a Tory promised tax cut in 1995 when Mr. Harris was elected based on a 30% cut in provincial income tax. Mr. Harris and some of his colleagues would say that they have had to reduce spending in health care, education and a few other areas due to reductions in the federal transfers.

Our question would be, and it is quite obvious, would it not be more appropriate to say that the decisions made by the Harris government in Ontario clearly are a result of its need to live up to its promise to give a 30% tax cut? Would the member not agree that giving an across the board percentage tax cut simply benefits those people earning higher incomes dramatically more than the people who actually need help? Now that the tax cut is at about 22.5% in the province of Ontario and some folks, notably those wealthier Ontarians, are looking forward to the last 7.5% coming down in the next cut, people are wondering if they made the right decision in Ontario.

Teachers would certainly question whether or not that government's commitment to funding education is appropriate given the tax cut. Doctors, nurses, municipal leaders, municipal taxpayers who are seeing downloading, clearly many people in Ontario are saying “I think we made a mistake by buying into this simple so-called percentage tax cut”.

That is the hon. member's party, the Conservative Party's position, that a 10% cut across the board will somehow magically restore an ability to fund the research grants the member talks about, to put more money back into health care, to somehow mysteriously put more money back into education. We on this side of the House know that the Conservative Party's strategy is to dangle some kind of a percentage tax cut so people might think in the end it will put more money in their pockets when in fact it will take money out of their pockets and take services away from the people who need them.

I wonder if the member might have a response to those comments.

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Newfoundland) December 8th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, probably the greatest single thing about Canada is the diversity in our regions and our provinces and the fact that they are so different in many ways. I believe that what we have here is a constitutional amendment for one area of this wonderful country. It is an amendment we can support. The evidence is in and I will be proud to stand and vote and support my colleagues and the people of Newfoundland and Labrador.

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Newfoundland) December 8th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, if it was in the newspaper, it must be true.

We cannot have votes of convenience. We cannot say that we should have a vote on this issue, have it carry and they say “Ya, but I don't like the reason you did it”. There are members in this place who will speak against and vote for this because they have concerns, but the bottom line is that they feel they must support this because of the clear decision of the people. For the Reform Party not to want to listen to the people is clearly astounding to see.

We have the message and we have a duty and an obligation to live up to it.

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Newfoundland) December 8th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, having spent eight years in the Ontario legislature, having been the vice chairman of the select committee on education under the David Peterson government, having served in opposition for five years, I feel I have some comfort level in our province.

No one can ever say never. The point of the matter is that we have a very strong and secure system of education, catholic and public, in the province of Ontario. We then balance that with the fact that we have a very clear message from the people of Newfoundland and Labrador. We have a clear message from the members who represent that part of Canada in this place. We have an enormously clear message from the people who represent Newfoundland and Labrador in their provincial legislature. Frankly, I think—

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Newfoundland) December 8th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the Minister of Veterans Affairs.

This is a very interesting debate because what is happening here is we are seeing the result of some of the policies that have been espoused particularly by the Reform Party but by many people in different parts of Canada in relationship to governing by referenda. You should never ask a question if you are not prepared to live with the answer.

I would not presume at any time to tell the people of Newfoundland and Labrador how they should particularly run their education system. Of course as parliamentarians and Canadians we are concerned about the quality of education from sea to sea to sea, and clearly quality is an issue that we would all be concerned about. But what we are seeing here is governance, an issue of governance.

I was first elected to the Ontario legislature in 1987 and I was appointed as vice-chair of the select committee on education. It is a little like deja vu all over again. It seems that no matter what jurisdiction I wind up in, education seems to become the focus of the day. It is very much a political issue.

I remember the concern that too often we are pulling up the roots of the tree of the education system and examining it, not leaving it planted, allowing it to grow. That had very much to do with the pedagogy, with the quality of education in the classroom, but a great deal less with the governance.

The people of Newfoundland have answered a question and I was fascinated to hear the member for one of the ridings in Saskatchewan say that he would not want to go back with a 70-plus vote in favour of one system in his province and tell a certain minority that it could no longer send its children to the schools of their choice. The result would be that the decision based on the referendum that would have hypothetically taken place in Saskatchewan would have to be ignored. This is clearly one of the problems we have when we think we can simply, in black and white, govern by referendum.

I recall a marvellous speech given by a member of the Ontario legislature. It was around an education system. He was from the riding of Simcoe. I will not mention his name, for his own purposes. He stood up and said I have done a poll in my riding on this particular issue and 50% of my constituents are in favour of this amendment and 50% are against, and I am going to vote with my constituents. Interesting comment.

That is the push-pull. That is why we were sent here. I suggest it is a very unusual issue where you can get a kind of clear answer to a question. We have to ask ourselves was the question legitimate.

I have heard the question read in this place and it is pretty legitimate and pretty clear and pretty understandable. Something impresses me even more than the 73%. I hear everyone saying that maybe they voted out of fear, maybe they voted because they did not understand it. There was a low voter turnout, all of this. Let us set aside the issue of the referendum just for a moment.

Although I would agree with my colleagues who have spoken from Newfoundland and Labrador very passionately about this, I would agree it is something they must listen to. The numbers that impress me the most are the ones when I look at how the legislature voted in Newfoundland. There are 48 members. Thirty-five of them are Liberals, obviously a clear majority. Eleven are Progressive Conservative, one NDP and one Independent.

I served for five years in a provincial legislature in opposition. Members from the opposition would understand what I am talking about when we can say we can vote against the government on this and it will still carry. God forbid that there would ever be a vote cast in this place with that kind of thought, but if it is a matter of political expediency, we can stand against the government and it will still happen. It has a clear majority.

Did the Tories do that? Eleven of them voted unanimously with the government. Did the New Democrats do that? Obviously a party with a tradition in opposition in this country that understands what it means to oppose and quite often just gets up in an opposing mood, it voted to support this. And the Independent? I do not know the person. We have one in this place. It seems that someone who is truly independent, who is elected as an independent, who would be sent to a legislature as an independent member, would find very little reason, in my submission, to generally vote with a majority government.

It seems to me that they would want to put forward the opposing view, that they would see it as an obligation to stand in contrast to the majority view of the government. Did that independent member in the Newfoundland legislature do that? That member voted with the government.

The fact that the duly elected representatives of that legislature voted 100% in support of this tells me something that very clearly is important. The debate took place. We know there was a royal commission. In 1992 the royal commission recommended this.

Newfoundland is a wonderful part of our land in this great country. One of the real advantages Newfoundland has, I would submit, is that in spite of the vastness geographically, it is probably possible to talk to everybody in the province.

I represent a riding of 140,000 people. By the time the next election rolls around, 50% of my constituents could be brand new to the riding. It is a very fast growing, volatile changing community. I would say, having spent some wonderful time in St. John's, Newfoundland, that it is easy to communicate if you represent that part of the country. You could probably, if you really wanted to and I say this with tremendous love for Newfoundland and Labrador, call everybody in a reasonable period of time and get hold of them. There would be an opportunity for people to voice their opinion.

With 48 members of the provincial legislature having that opportunity, given the results of the vote in the legislature and the results of the referendum, we have no right to oppose a constitutional amendment in this regard.

Having said that, I know that my folks at home in Mississauga are a little frightened of this. They are a little concerned that this is the thin edge of the wedge. That catholic education in the province of Ontario could be in jeopardy. I want you to know that I do not believe that. Our separate school system, a system which I went through—I went to our Lady of Sorrows Elementary School and to St. Jerome, a boarding school in Kitchener with the Resurrectionist Fathers—has tremendous roots in our province.

We now have full funding of both the public and the separate school system. I believe we are secure in the catholic education system which exists in the province of Ontario. We should not be worried that a precedent would destroy that. We should support our brothers and sisters, our friends, our legislative brothers and sisters in Newfoundland and Labrador. We should adopt this very historic amendment to our constitution.

St. John Ambulance December 8th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, as Canadians prepare for the next millennium, St. John Ambulance will also begin celebrating its very own millennium anniversary. With nearly 1,000 years of service dating back to the Crusades, it is the oldest organized charity in the world. It is tasked with enabling people to improve their health, safety and quality of life through the provision of first aid services and training.

The Mississauga branch of the organization has spearheaded numerous community initiatives in injury prevention and heart health. Most notable is its drive to strengthen the chain of survival for citizens in Mississauga and throughout the region of Peel.

To this end a firefighter defibrillation program was recently co-ordinated that enabled the Halton-Mississauga ambulance services to become eligible for the OPALS paramedic program and to champion a student CPR program that will see 14,000 grade 9 students trained to react to a cardiac emergency.

The work of the Mississauga branch of the order of St. John—

Canada Pension Plan Investment Board Act December 4th, 1997

Madam Speaker, I have learned quite a bit, actually. The member mentioned in his opening remarks that this was an example of greenhouse gas. This is proof that if we were to collect all the flatulence from the cattle industry and from what I just heard across the way, we could probably reduce greenhouse gases dramatically beyond our wildest dreams.

The nonsense. Can we imagine? I just heard that people who are not working do not pay CPP premiums, therefore they will be okay if we go to a wide open RRSP plan for their retirement. That is what I heard. I would ask the member to check Hansard because that is what he said and he does not know what he is talking about.

The fact of the matter is that the Reform Party's simplistic solution to long term sustainable pension funds is to throw them wide open so that the banks can make more money by playing with Canadians' money.

Let me tell you. It was just announced today that the Royal Bank made $1.6 billion. They do not need your help. They are doing just fine. They do not need you to pass pension legislation.

Canada Pension Plan Investment Board Act December 4th, 1997

Unbelievable.