Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was federal.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Bloc MP for Québec East (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Questions On The Order Paper February 22nd, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I placed Question No. 93 on the Order Paper on October 19. It should not be so difficult to come up with a response since the question was tabled on October 19, over four months ago. Normally, as you know, such questions must be answered within 45 days. Despite what the hon. member said, I know full well that this is not a complicated question. The data requested is well documented.

Knowing the minister responsible for this department, I am telling you, Mr. Speaker, that the delay in answering this

question is part of the minister's strategy of silence. They are interfering with access to information and making it increasingly difficult. That was my experience with this minister and I am convinced-

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I can think of several possible ways of answering the muddled remarks of hon. member for Bonaventure-Îles-de-la-Madeleine.

He is telling us that Quebec always got what it asked for from the federal government. Quebec did get a number of things, but Quebec cannot be said to have been the big winner on things that mattered and here are two examples.

First, the most important industry in terms of economic development has been the automotive industry. As the people from out west will tell you, it has all been concentrated in Ontario. You know how important this industry is; it drives the economy. If you need another example, think of the energy sector in Canada.

What happened in that sector in terms of funding? Over the past decade, the federal government has invested $12 billion in the development of atomic energy in Ontario. And each year, another $100 million to $130 million in new funds are spent on atomic energy in Ontario. During this time, how much did the federal government invest in hydroelectricity in Quebec? Not a cent.

This is only one side of the story. We must think about what the people in Western Canada, and Alberta in particular, have gone through. Think how they we taken in by the federal government decision to tax oil produced in Alberta. They are certainly justified in thinking that the federal system is unfair, because we are dealing with investments made essentially to serve the petty interests of that system.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I thank the the member for his question. It is quite interesting. However, I think he has misunderstood what I said with respect to east-west economic ties in Canada.

It does not take an expert to explain and every economist recognizes that the east-west link in Canada is historically and artificially built and that the natural tendencies in our economic trade are north-south. However, this is not to say that Quebec when it becomes sovereign will not want to trade with western Canada, Ontario or the other provinces.

Those economic bonds that have developed between Quebec and the other provinces are good and should continue. It is good not only for those provinces, Ontario and the west, it is good for Quebec as well.

Let us not be simplistic in our economic approach. It is not a question of severing those good things in the system. It is a question of liberating us and all the regions in Canada to be able to develop where economic development is due.

Take Alberta for example, a province well represented by the Reform Party. If we look at its economic situation, we will see that 40 per cent of its trade is with British Columbia, and another 40 per cent is with Asian countries, with the far east; a small 20 per cent with the rest of Canada.

It is totally normal. It is not a political statement to recognize those facts. It is just normal, economic practice.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the question that the Reform Party asked about the federal government's deficit and debt will obviously get a lot of press because they are very serious issues. We all know it.

I think that the cuts that the Reform Party will propose will not fix the monstrous problem facing Canada. The Reformers will table their budget, a bogus budget containing $15 billion in cuts to social programs.

This is nothing new, since their policies centre on eliminating social programs, even though they have contributed the most to Canada's success up to now.

They propose another $10 billion in cuts to government operations, for a total of $25 billion, and they think that these cuts will stimulate an economic recovery and that the economy will create jobs all by itself.

I must concede that the Reform Party had the best intentions when it made this recommendation-the deficit and debt are very serious problems-and I must agree that when we look at these problems from a critical distance, they are very disquieting. Moody's already issued a warning to Canada last week regarding the budget. Several foreign investors are also worried, all the more because, according to the federal government's own calculations, it is projected that Canada's debt will reach $800 billion by the year 2000.

In other words, they project that it will climb by around $50 billion per year in the next six years. It is as if the federal government were stuck in a vicious circle of debt increases, and of deficit increases even, because I have yet to see tangible proof of the government's intention to reduce the deficit and to get the debt under control. We can only hope that they deliver something concrete in the next budget.

Up to this moment, we have been grappling with a debt and a deficit that are out of control. We have a federal system that, for all intents and purposes, is teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, like a ship that is slowly sinking to a watery grave. That is the situation in which the federal government currently finds itself, a serious one indeed.

I would even go so far as to say that the problem goes beyond simple economic calculations. It is also a historical issue. This debt and deficit were not created yesterday, they are not the result of poor management. A country, like a political system, is not a business like any other. There are needs and policies. We invest in programs which are not cost effective, unlike other businesses. This may be one reason among many why the current Canadian federal system is creating a debt, as well as a deficit, and is poorly managed.

There is a problem within the federal system. Right within the Canadian federal system, there is a mechanism which allows money to be wasted, to be spent in certain ways while the debt merely increases. I would like to give you a few examples. Let us consider some of the history of the federal system.

One must recognize first of all that Canada was founded on concepts which are no longer valid today. It was founded on the concept of uniting east and west. This is the great Canadian dream. This country, as we know, was shaped by an ideology which may have had validity at the time, but is now completely outmoded. We know that true, concrete and cost-effective economic trends involve a north-south dynamic, whereas for years and even a century the federal system has attempted to implement an unnatural system, basically between the east and the west, going against the natural north-south dynamic.

To achieve this goal, the federal government had to introduce several very costly policies. This attempt to keep east and west unified was of course no easy matter. It was very expensive; it has been very expensive. Considerable investments were necessary to maintain a system which was, shall we say, artificial.

In cultural matters, for example, think of the billions of dollars invested to create a Canadian culture, while most English Canadians now wonder what that culture is. But if we consider the billions of dollars spent on creating this culture, the image of a unified country, we would have to say it has been a waste of money. In the area of culture alone, we can think of cultural industries that were set up after the second world war, after the Massey commission, which set up the Canada Council and the National Film Board, and which made all sorts of demands on the CBC.

They set up, so to speak, with great panache and a lot of money, an industry to try to create an image of Canadian cultural unity. It did not work. It cost a lot, however, but it did not work. So, today, we are left with all the debts from this unfortunate undertaking, this unfortunate policy. Now we are paying these debts off and we are paying dearly. Those of us in this House are not overly concerned, because we will not be the ones to pay, really. It will be future generations, for sure. We can see from the policies of the federal government how the young people in particular will be paying.

I would like to give you another example. I could give quite a number of examples of mistaken policies by the federal system, which established these grand policies in an attempt to ensure its own survival as a system. The federal system established these policies in order to survive as a system. Not to protect the interests of the public, not to protect the interests of the regions or of communities, but to protect its own priorities here in Ottawa. It is as if the federal system in Ottawa had a life of its own. The policy of bilingualism, for example, established by Pierre Trudeau, which cost a lot, was not necessarily what was recommended by Quebec, the major stakeholder in this issue.

Of course, bilingualism cost billions of dollars and we know very well that, if we look at it analytically, that investment achieved nothing at all. There was no positive spin-off whatsoever following the investment of billions of dollars in that policy. We all know very well that anyone who knows anything about francophones outside of Quebec knows that those billions of dollars were spent with the best of intentions but they were attempts at artificially resuscitating communities gasping for their last breath. This was another unsucessful policy.

We can say the same for several other areas, including health. Just look at how the federal government has imposed itself on the provinces since the 1940s in areas falling exclusively under provincial jurisdiction, like health and education. The federal government did this in order to survive as a system. Once again, today, we find ourselves in a situation where our system is on the brink of bankruptcy, is insolvent, and is unable to continue to apply its policies because they were senseless from the start and are still senseless today.

I would like to say to you that one of the reasons Quebecers want sovereignty is to get out of this absurd system. It is not only weakened by a monstrous debt, but, considering all of the policies the government is trying to enforce across Canada, it is absurd.

Young Offenders Act February 20th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, last Friday I put a question to the minister responsible for social housing about the unfair way Quebec is being treated with respect to social housing.

I wanted to ask him whether he was aware of the fact that Quebec has had a potential loss of $100 million per year for several years. On a per capita basis, Quebec should receive at least 25 per cent of CMHC spending, but at the present time, it gets only 20 per cent. One hundred million dollars annually is a

lot of money. If we were to calculate this on the basis of need, Quebec should receive as much as 29 per cent of the CMHC budget.

So a shortfall of $100 million annually for Quebec is a lot of money, and that is a conservative estimate. In fact, this is all part of the government's attempt to get another $25 million or $26 million out of the pockets of people who live in so-called social housing. The government intends to raise rents by 20 per cent. It looks more like the government has no social housing policy at all.

Funding for social housing has been frozen since the Liberal Party came to power. Quebec is not getting its fair share, and now they want to raise the rents of the neediest group in Quebec. Would the government like to clarify this? Would it at least admit that this is unfair, and would it like to explain what it is doing with respect to social housing? Does this government have a social housing policy?

Questions On The Order Paper February 20th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, this is the fourth time I rise in the House to point out to the government that I have had a question on the Order Paper since October 19. This is more than 120 days ago, although normally, it takes 45 days to get a reply. It has now been four months, and I have yet to get an answer to my question, unlike the hon. member for Calgary Southeast.

The Minister of Public Works is doing everything in his power to prevent us from having access to the information I requested. I wonder whether the government is trying to keep members from having access to the information they need. I ask the Speaker to urge the government to observe the rules of this House. In my opinion, this shows utter contempt for the Standing Orders of this House. Could I have a commitment from the hon. member, a specific date on which I will get the information I requested four months ago?

Points Of Order February 17th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, no, I do not agree. The parliamentary secretary spoke of 45 adays, but it has now been 122 days, not 45.

Points Of Order February 17th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I have a point of order concerning questions that are placed on the Order Paper.

This is the third time I have risen in the House to ask the status of the answer to question 93 which I posed last October 19. Normally these questions must be responded to by the government within 45 days. It is now 122 days.

This is a flagrant show of disrespect for the rules of the House. I have stood in the House three times to ask for an answer to my question. "Maybe next week some time" I am going to get an answer to Question 93.

Is there a way to ask the Speaker of the House to force or to at least demand that the government respect the rules and give me the answer to Question 93, which is way overdue.

Social Housing February 17th, 1995

That is my question. Is he aware that the $100 million is based on population and that if it were based on a Canadian standard of need it would be much higher than $100 million a year?

Social Housing February 17th, 1995

The $100 million Quebec has lost over the past few years could be even higher if it were based on a Canadian standard-