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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was little.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Reform MP for Cypress Hills—Grasslands (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 1997, with 49% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Grain Transportation February 9th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am really concerned about the reluctance of this government to declare a moratorium on dismantlements pending the outcome of Mr. Estey's study. I wonder if there may not be a message for us here that the study itself is being set up as a bit of a smokescreen to distract us all from what is going on while the dismantlements are taking place.

I do not believe that we should forget the famous blue ribbon panel which was set up by the then minister of agriculture to study grain marketing and the wheat board. When the results of that hand picked panel's work came back to the minister he promptly said “I don't agree with this stuff. Let us forget it. We will go our own way”.

What assurance do we have from this government that that is not the game plan for the work of the Estey commission as well?

Point Of Order February 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order with respect to Bill S-4, an act to amend the Canada Shipping Act, which was sent from the Senate on Monday, February 2.

Bill S-4 violates Standing Order 80 which states that “all aids and supplies granted to the sovereign by the Parliament of Canada are the sole gift of the House of Commons and all bills for granting such aids and supplies ought to begin with the House as it is the undoubted right of the House to direct, to limit and to appoint in all such bills the ends, purposes, considerations, conditions, limitations and qualifications of such grants which are not alterable by the Senate”.

I would like to point out that while we in the official opposition support the principle of this bill, we are against the practice of introducing bills in the Senate for ethical reasons and, in this case, reasons that breach the financial privileges of this House as stated in our rules and as provided for in section 53 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

Specific to my argument is Bill S-4's attempt to enact proposed amendments to part IX of the Canada Shipping Act which seeks to substantially increase the limits of liability for owners of ships, docks, canals and harbours. The federal government is a major owner of ships, docks, canals and harbours. It will be liable under the terms of this bill.

Bill S-4 substantially increases ship owners' limits of liability anywhere from 300% to over 2,600%, depending on ship tonnage.

The liabilities for the owners of docks, for example the government, canals and ports and any persons for whose negligence from such an owner is responsible would be increased to the greater of $2 million or $1,000 times the tonnage of the largest ship that has used the dock, canal or port within the previous five years. If the loss or damage in question was the result of their personal negligence where the damage had been intended or where it had been known that the damage was probable, the owners of docks, canals or ports would lose the benefit of even that increased limitation. Therefore, not only does this bill increase the limit of liability upon the crown but it removes the benefit in a certain number of conditions.

On June 12, 1973 the Speaker ruled that Bill S-5, the Farm Improvement Loans Act, was out of order because the bill, while not in itself proposing a direct expenditure, did propose substantial additional liabilities on public moneys. The Speaker ruled that the bill infringed on the privileges of the House.

On September 23, 1991 the Senate Speaker ruled out of order a Senate bill that sought to extend war veterans' benefits to merchant seamen. The Speaker pointed out that the bill would give rise to claims by merchant seamen and their spouses against the government and would cause the government to incur liabilities.

The proposed amendments to the Canada Shipping Act would substantially increase the limits of liability upon the government, as was the case with the merchant seamen bill and the Farm Improvement Loans Act.

In the report of the special committee of the Senate appointed to determine the rights of the Senate in matters of financial legislation, it was concluded that the Senate cannot directly or indirectly originate one penny of expenditures of public funds or impose a cent of taxation on the people. This conclusion would support the Speaker's rulings with respect to the Farm Improvement Loans Act, the merchant seamen bill and my arguments regarding Bill S-4.

This government by introducing this bill in the Senate has ignored the fact that through the centuries the principle has always been maintained that taxation requires representation and consent. This government has not figured out that the only body in Canada that meets this test is the House of Commons. The elected representatives of the people sit here, not in the other place.

Mr. Speaker, I therefore ask that you remove Bill S-4 from the order paper since it violates the financial privileges of this House.

Transport February 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, ever since the Minister of Transport announced the appointment of Mr. Justice Estey to do a review of the grain handling system, the CPR and the CNR have been issuing a blizzard of notices of discontinuance of rail lines. They are trying to get in ahead of the deadline.

If they are allowed to continue this, breaking the spirit of the Canada transportation act, if not the letter of the law, by the time Mr. Justice Estey gets his report in there is not going to be much left to report on because they will have chopped up piecemeal the entire rail system.

My question for the minister is will he use his ministerial powers to have a moratorium on rail line abandonments until Mr. Justice Estey has concluded his work?

Canada Marine Act December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we all held our noses here. We voted for C-9 at report stage. We are going to repeat that exercise again today because most players in the industry have indicated that they want to get the show on the road, so to speak.

Almost everyone of course is happy to see the last of “Pork” Canada, and it has to be replaced by something.

It is truly a pity that not a single amendment proposed by opposition members in committee at the instigation of shipping companies, maritime associations, individual port corporations, stevedoring firms, unions or commodity shippers was accepted over the doctrine of Transport Canada bureaucrats. Surely all those amendments could not have been that bad. I simply do not understand what the minister meant this morning when he spoke kindly of our input in committee.

If nothing else, the exercise proved the futility of our committee system. Our committees, and I would have to say most especially the transport committee compared to others that I have sat on, are merely extensions of ministerial offices with government members dutifully lining up and saluting on cue. What a farce. Opposition members and government backbenchers are kept busy and kept out of trouble, and the illusion of sober deliberations is maintained.

The most poorly thought out section of the bill, and the one for which I have yet to hear a kind word from anyone outside government, is one which gives the government the right to collect a levy based on gross revenue from port authorities, a slice right off the top. The size of that levy under the terms of the legislation may be set quite capriciously by the minister. Different port authorities, because they have different financial circumstances, will have these gross levies set at different levels. Different ports are going to be treated differently.

Whatever happened to commonly accepted business principles? Whatever happened to fairness? It would have been very simple to set in the regulations a net levy which would have been paid by all the new port authorities irrespective of their basic financial situation. Because it would only have entered into their profits or would only have been taken away from their profits, it would not strangle a port which might be staggering under an extraordinarily heavy capital debt for example.

There are ports that are in the fortunate position of having made fairly major capital expenses while they were still creatures of the federal government so that the taxpayers from sea unto shining sea picked up the tab. They are going to be in hog heaven.

However, ports that have very heavy capital expenditures facing them that are going to have to be made after the formation of the new port authorities will then have to take on enormous debt for which they alone will be responsible. Yet they will be expected to pay off the top a levy on gross revenue.

Regardless of where they stand in competition with each other or in conflicts of interest with each other, I have yet to talk to one player in the industry who thinks that this is a good idea. The bureaucrats in Transport Canada think it is a good idea and the bureaucrats in Transport Canada get what they want in the transport committee and so we have a done deal.

I have a letter here from the Greater Vancouver Gateway Council. This is probably one of the biggest associations in Canada which is directly concerned with harbours, concerned with the movement of goods because it includes not only the port of Vancouver but it also includes the airport, the railway shippers and so on. The council really castigates this idea of forcing ports to pay off the top to the federal government. The federal government always has its hand in somebody's pocket. In this case it wants to put its hand into the pocket of an entity which it has created ostensibly to serve the public.

The Greater Vancouver Gateway Council mentions a few facts which I think should be taken into consideration in the House with respect to the competitiveness between Canadian ports and U.S. ports. In the case of these people it would be the port of Seattle.

There is much lower taxation in the U.S. In spite of the fact that there is much lower taxation, our federal government wants to slap an additional levy on the ports and make them pay on their gross revenue.

There is an ability in the U.S. to finance port development through the issuance of tax exempt bonds. Here in Canada the government is not even going to allow these new port authorities to mortgage or use as collateral the federal property which they will be administering.

The port authorities will be able to use only their own property or use the non-fixed equipment in the ports as collateral. Mostly they will have to hold out their hand, bend over to the financial institutions and say: “Please lend us some money. We will pay almost any rate of interest because that is the way it has to be. We do not have anything to back our loan”. They not only do not have any physical means to back their loans, but one of the whole objects of the commercialization is to get the federal government out of the position where it has to take any responsibility for the port debts. These institutions which are ostensibly going to be independent are going to have the responsibility but they are not going to have authority.

Another thing which the gateway council mentions is that in the U.S. there are lower fees or no fees for government services such as dredging. It says there are no requirements to pay dividends or make special payments to shareholders. I have already mentioned that one. They are going to have to make a monstrous special payment to the federal government.

One thing the gateway council talks about but does not go into detail on is lower taxation. In the ports to the south, particularly Seattle and Tacoma, the port authorities actually have taxing powers, while our ports are paying taxes. Can you believe it? Government institutions that are supposed to be serving the public are going to be forced to pay taxes. This is bizarre. There is no place else in the civilized world I would say that has such a totally unprecedented way of beating up on their own government entities.

In this brave new world of port authorities, it is proposed that the boards of directors all be appointed with ministerial approval from nominees and that the minister in effect will have a veto power. Talk about patronage heaven. This is what we are supposed to be trying to get rid of when we get rid of “Pork Canada”. It is the same old story, right back to the trough.

In addition the government has refused to consider proposed amendments which would provide for a more open system of appointing directors. It has also refused to consider proposals that would provide for greater accountability in the port authorities by addressing the problem of conflict of interest during privatization.

We all saw what happened during the privatization of NavCan. I do not have to continue beating that dog in this House. Everyone is aware of it. It was disgraceful.

Right now we have a port which is in the process of divestiture. We have a gross conflict of interest with lobbyists who used to be members of this honourable House. They are out flogging a deal on behalf of potential buyers who want to take over the port so they will have a fix on the only easily available means they have for shipping their product. This is not unprecedented but it is unheard of. It is the Liberal way.

Here we go again. The same amendments that were proposed to avoid conflicts during privatization would also have provided for more arm's length safeguards in the proposed five year audits. The audits are fine but let us have independent audits and not have the audits ultimately under the control of the minister.

I have mentioned another problem several times in this House and in committee. That is the problem of pilotage in particular on the St. Lawrence. Here is one case where all the stakeholders are not onside. All but one are on side. The one that is not on side is the pilotage monopoly.

The opposition to this monopoly goes right across the industry. It is not just the shipping associations. It is not just the shippers. It is not just the commodity producers in western Canada. It is not just the grain handling companies. Everybody wants to get rid of this except for those who benefit.

It is a tight little monopoly where people collect from $80,000 to $180,000 a year for nine months of work. They have all sorts of feather bedding provisions in their enabling legislation. They cannot be shaken off because it is so difficult under the terms of the act for masters of Canadian vessels, not foreign ships, I repeat Canadian vessels, who regularly ply our inland waters, who know them like the backs of their hands, to have themselves certified as pilots. It is virtually impossible. Somebody told me there are nine Canadian masters who have been certified to pilot their own vessels.

Nowadays when there are modern navigational aids like GPS, these experienced masters cannot write an examination to prove their competence, prove that they know the waters, show that they also have on their vessels the requisite GPS systems. They cannot get around this monopoly. It costs the Canadian grain farmer $4 million in excess pilotage costs per annum in order to maintain this cosy little club.

There is provision in the legislation for a review of the situation. It is supposed to take place one year after the bill receives royal assent. I am not holding my breath that anything will come of it, but we will see how things work out. We are on the road.

Everybody made a lot of nice noises about the preservation of the pension rights of employees at the ports when they are either commercialized, as in the case of the port authorities, or divested.

I gather from reading the legislation—and I am fairly cognizant of it—that the employees of the bigger ports, the people who will be in the port authorities, will be reasonably well protected. However, if an employee works for a small port that will be divested, he is toast, absolute toast. There is nothing in the legislation to protect that person at all.

There are two classes of employees: those who work for the big guys and will continue to work for other big guys, and those who work for the small and rather vital ports in the hinterlands. Some of these port employees have 10 or 15 years of seniority and they are getting nothing. That is wrong, absolutely wrong.

This is fairly typical of what happens when bureaucracy runs amok. It is always the person with the smallest voice who gets the least attention.

I do not think there is any point in further belabouring this point. The deal is done. We have known for several weeks that nothing would be changed, nothing would be improved. We have been steamrolled, but because we do not want the shipping industry to be left in limbo with no legislation at all, we will support it.

I was talking to some shipping people last night. I told them I would vote for the bill. I thought I was going to get a punch in the head. Nevertheless we will do it. We have swallowed our pride. We have held our noses. We will support the legislation.

Canada Marine Act December 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, in committee all opposition parties pressed the government side to ensure that the superannuation benefits of federal employees transferred over to the public ports and not just port authorities would be protected. Instead, the government with Motion No. 19, as near as I can determine from what I have read, merely clarifies and solidifies the rights of government employees moving to port authorities but does nothing at all for employees moving into the public ports.

These employees, some with 10 or 15 years of service, will be left out in the cold. They have fallen through the cracks. Their pensions are not portable and the bill literally leaves them hung out to dry.

They are not great in numbers but nevertheless these are real people. Some consideration should have been given to them.

Motion No. 18 really has the same deficiency. It does not relate to people transferring into the public ports. However, as I read that motion, it is a bit over generous to employees transferring to port authorities. To some extent it negates the intent of commercialization which was to get the government out of the business of ports.

I think on one hand there are the employees of public ports who are not going to be cared for at all. On the other hand, with either Motion No. 18 or 19, fair enough, the port authority people are being looked after. Motion No. 18 looks after them so well that we will not support it. We will support Motion No. 19 but I am extremely disappointed that the government only did half the job.

Canada Marine Act December 3rd, 1997

moved:

Motion No. 5

That Bill C-9, in Clause 38, be amended by adding after line 15 on page 25 the following:

“(1.1) A port authority shall establish a code of conduct and system of practices respecting avoidance of conflict of interest by its directors and officers.”

Motion No. 6

That Bill C-9, in Clause 41, be amended by replacing line 4 on page 26 with the following:

“referred to in subsections 38(1) and (1.1) were, in the”

Motion No. 7

That Bill C-9, in Clause 41, be amended by adding after line 11 on page 26 the following:

“(2.1) An examiner shall be a person appointed by the Minister from suitable persons in the office of the Auditor General of Canada or the Department of Justice.”

Motion No. 8

That Bill C-9, in Clause 41, be amended by replacing lines 24 to 25 on page 26 with the following:

“about the plan, the matter shall be referred to the Canadian Transportation Agency and the Agency shall make a final determination with respect to it and shall report its determination to the Standing Committee of the House of Commons appointed to deal with matters relating to Transportation.”

Motion No. 9

That Bill C-9 be amended by deleting clause 43.

Motion No. 13

That Bill C-9, in Clause 85, be amended by adding after line 8 on page 54 the following:

“(1.1) A not-for-profit corporation shall, in respect of its operation of the Seaway establish a code of conduct and system of practices respecting avoidance of conflict of interest by its directors and officers.”

Motion No. 14

That Bill C-9, in Clause 87, be amended by replacing lines 29 to 30 on page 54 with the following:

“tems and practices referred to in subsections 85(1) and (1.1) were, in the period under examination”

Motion No. 15

That Bill C-9, in Clause 87, be amended by adding after line 36 on page 54 the following:

“(2.1) An examiner shall be a person appointed by the Minister from suitable persons in the office of the Auditor General of Canada or the Department of Justice.”

Motion No. 16

That Bill C-9, in Clause 87, be amended by replacing line 3 on page 55 with the following:

“shall be referred to the Canadian Transportation Agency and the Agency shall make a final determination with respect to it and shall report its determination to the Standing Committee of the House of Commons appointed to deal with matters relating to Transportation.”

Motion No. 17

That Bill C-9 be amended by deleting Clause 89.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the House for its courtesy in speeding things up here.

When I spoke earlier today I was looking at things which have already happened, things which I thought might have been improved in the bill. Now I would like to speak specifically to the 10 related motions which Reform has on the order paper and which call for greater transparency and accountability in the commercialization of the ports and the St. Lawrence Seaway.

Unlike the amendments which we introduced in committee, these amendments are not stakeholder driven. Instead, they reflect the dedication of our party to the principle of public accountability of public institutions.

This new bill will do away with Ports Canada which is known fondly by its friends and admirers as “Pork Canada”. While we have the opportunity, let's build some safeguards into the new regime.

These amendments I am going to pair as I speak because they are mirror amendments relating to port authorities and to the seaway. For example, Motions Nos. 5 and 13 say basically the same thing, but because of the nature of the bill we had to write amendments to apply to the two situations.

These address the problem of conflict of interest. Hopefully, they will avoid situations such as the one that developed when NavCan was created. I recall that the government's financial adviser on privatization slid laterally into work for NavCan before the financial adviser's contract had even expired. Incredibly, Transport Canada made no objection to this clear conflict. This is the type of thing we would like to avoid.

Motions Nos. 7 and 15 would tighten up section 87 which provides for an outside audit every five years. Notwithstanding that five years is an inordinately long time between examinations, we will accept that. The amendment proposes that the outside examiner be totally independent of the Minister of Transport and that the person or persons come from the office of the auditor general or from the Department of Justice. These departments have the experience and the background to enable them to spot problems and avoid repetition of mistakes.

Motions Nos. 8 and 16 would remove the power of the minister to adjudicate between the special examiner and a port authority's audit committee.

One of the objectives of commercialization is to remove the minister from the decision making process. This is what the bill is about. If there is a problem with an audit, an arm's length organization, and we are suggesting the Canadian Transportation Agency, should be the adjudicator. Its determination would then be reported to the transport committee. Ideally it should be the transport committee itself that would act as adjudicator but since our parliamentary committees as constituted are quite toothless, the CTA has proposed to be the referee.

Finally, Motions Nos. 9 and 17 are merely consequential to the other eight motions. They simply remove the power of the minister to interfere in the selection of auditors with respect to port authorities or the seaway.

Because everyone was courteous and allowed me to get this on the record, I will relinquish the remainder of my time.

Canada Marine Act December 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, Motions Nos. 4, 10, 11 and 20 are essentially housekeeping amendments. That being the case and in view of the agreement which we made to limit debate here, I would seek unanimous consent of the House to put Group 2 immediately and proceed to the following motions which are of much more substance. We only have half an hour left.

Canada Marine Act December 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I will speak only very briefly on Bill C-9 as it was reported from committee.

This is a flawed bill. It had a lot of promise. The foundation and the framework are excellent, reflecting a lot of diligent effort in the last Parliament.

Unfortunately, the builders lacked finishing skills. The final construction has a leaky roof and rather ill-fitting doors. There are no real excuses for the deficiencies in this bill.

Every member of the standing committee was fully aware of the shortcomings which had been identified by the stakeholders. The standing committee, rather than addressing the problems in the legislation, simply rolled over and played dead.

Dozens of innocuous government housekeeping and drafting amendments were passed but let us for a moment consider what could have been.

The most common complaint against the bill is its provision for a federal levy on the gross revenues of each port authority at a rate to be arbitrarily fixed by the minister.

Can members imagine entering into a royalty agreement with a property owner and telling him to set his own price, based on what he felt he could afford to pay? Imagine, moreover, that the same owner would also be leasing property to your competitors and would be free to set different rates for them, again at his discretion. That is precisely the situation in which the various port authorities will find themselves under this legislation.

Changes requested by shipping companies, stevedoring firms, unions and producers were never seriously considered. In the end, at the crack of the parliamentary secretary's whip, the advice of departmental bureaucrats prevailed over the wishes of the people who have to live with the legislation.

Not only did the government members fail to respond to stakeholders, but they lined up solidly to vote down every single amendment presented by opposition members on behalf of the stakeholders.

A motion to levy a charge based on clearly defined net revenues at an equal percentage rate for all port authorities was rejected by all Liberals present.

Second, an amendment requested not only by unions but by shipping associations to guarantee a union representative on each board of directors was rejected by the Liberals and, rather curiously I thought, by the sole NDP member of the committee.

The presence of a union member at the executive level could have had far-reaching effects on the maintenance of labour peace on the waterfront.

Nowadays, labour relations do not just involve wage disputes, especially at the waterfront. A lot of disputes revolve around policy decisions and an atmosphere of mutually beneficial co-operation would go a long way to maintaining future labour peace.

Third and finally, one of the most galling Liberal responses was the rejection of amendments that would have weakened pilotage monopolies, especially on the St. Lawrence. Our proposals would have made it easier for the captains of Canadian vessels routinely plying the same waters to be certified to pilot their own vessels.

Under the terms of the motion, applicants for pilotage certificates would have had only to prove their competence and knowledge of the waters in order to be certified.

St. Lawrence pilotage is widely acknowledged to be one of the worst examples of pork-barrel politics and union featherbedding in the world. A few hundred people with incomes from $80,000 to $180,000 for nine months of work are holding the entire inland shipping industry hostage. The estimated cost of excess pilotage to grain shippers alone is about $4 million annually.

In refusing to accept the proposed amendments, the Liberals demonstrated that they care more about a small legislated monopoly in central Canada than they care about the interest of 50,000 prairie farmers.

I will be introducing proposed amendments to this bill. At that time I would like to speak not about what we did not get in committee, but things we hope to get here, things that could be done to make this a better bill.

Canada Marine Act December 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, as a point of clarification, I was of the impression that in spite of this agreement we would first speak briefly to the legislation and then speak to the amendments. You are asking us to speak to the amendments first.

Transport December 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, it looks like the hon. minister is not singing off of the same song sheet as his bureaucrats.

Yesterday in the Toronto Star he was reported as having said exactly what he said here today, but the bureaucrats do not say the same thing. Who is right? Who are we to believe here, the bureaucrats or the minister who is supposed to be in charge?