Erin O'Toole

[Criminal Code, May 2nd, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to start by thanking my colleague, the member of Parliament for Thornhill, for a very thoughtful presentation in this House.

A debate on Bill C-14 is an example of this House of Commons at its best. Canadians do not send us here to have unanimous agreement on issues of the day. We are here to represent our ridings, the constituents who have sent us to Ottawa. We belong to political parties. We have different leaders' roles. However, we are Canadians who bring an experience and a point of view to this chamber.

Infrequently, we share that view in the personal stories that people bring to the House of Commons. Today, on the difficult subject of Bill C-14, I learned of my colleague's perspective and personal experience with a member of his family, his personal experience covering the Rodriguez case in the 1990s as a journalist, and how that has combined to formulate his position on assisted dying or euthanasia. Members should welcome that.

It is unfortunate that we do not have a full House for important debates like this. We get so busy, but it is important for us to learn the perspective that each of us brings as a member of this chamber. We are not sent here to be surrogates for other interests or to run polls. We are sent with the judgment to try to look at legislation from the lens of our own experience, education, and background. Many members have brought that to this floor today, and I applaud them for it.

I have looked at Bill C-14, and I have struggled with it. Certainly this is a place where there are two sides on this issue, maybe broken down even more than that. However, there is compassion at the heart of both sides, and that is what is often forgotten in this debate. Why I say this should be the House of Commons at its best is that the Supreme Court of Canada recognized the role of Parliament to clarify the law with respect to euthanasia in a way that is thoughtful and complies with its direction in Carter. This is indeed one of the important debates that we should not fear in our House of Commons. We should ensure that we take part vigorously and share perspectives, as my friend from Thornhill has.

I have looked at Bill C-14, not just as a member of this chamber but also as a lawyer. I have reviewed the case law going back on this some 20 years. I have also reviewed it as a father of two children, a husband—I know my wife is watching today—and the son of a strong woman who died from cancer when I was nine. My most formative memories of my mother Mollie are in her palliative stage of that disease. Of course, all of these things combine to formulate my position on Bill C-14 and what I feel is the government's position with respect to Carter.

However, I am using my speech today to talk about some of the concerns I have with the bill. I will start with a Supreme Court of Canada quote from Justice Sopinka:

Regardless of one's personal views as to whether the distinctions drawn between withdrawal of treatment and palliative care, on the one hand, and assisted suicide on the other are practically compelling, the fact remains that these distinctions are maintained and can be persuasively defended.

Within the Rodriguez decision in 1993, the Supreme Court struggled with the role of the state at end of life in euthanasia or assisted dying. It struggled with whether that role should be passive with respect to palliative care, treating and helping and comforting and limiting pain at end of life, or whether the role of the state should be an active role at end of life.

Justice Sopinka, in the majority court in 1993, said that the bright line of the active versus passive could be persuasively defended. That was the language of the court. Canadians remember, as my friend from Thornhill did, the tragic circumstance of Ms. Rodriguez and her compassionate arguments with respect to that. Bill C-14 is about the role of the state. It is not suicide alone, and that is why we have to have legislation that both accepts the Carter decision but brings us to a position that Canadians can be comfortable with, that persuasively defends it.

The second quote I will use is from Carter, paragraph 117, as to why the court found the position of the trial judge to be compelling. It states:

We agree with the trial judge that the risks associated with physician-assisted death can be limited through a carefully designed and monitored system of safeguards.

At paragraph 120, it went on to state:

We should not lightly assume that the regulatory regime will function defectively....

What the Supreme Court did was to allow this Parliament to come up with a regulatory regime to function effectively. The importance of that function is to ensure that what both courts said, the court of the Sopinka decision and the unanimous court of today in Carter, is that the decisionally vulnerable should be safeguarded. That was clearly part of the direction of both courts. This key element, and the aspect of what I consider to be the challenge for an ironclad regulatory regime, the slippery slope argument, is where I find Bill C-14 to be failing. That is why I am not supportive of it.

In the Carter decision, the court said that it was not in a straitjacket because it rejected euthanasia in the Rodriguez decision, and it looked at it in light of recent charter decisions. However, it is looking to Parliament for a system that does not allow the decisionally vulnerable, those impacted by a terrible diagnosis, under the strain and stress of an illness, to at a moment want to take their life and have the state play a role in that. Both courts recognized that these are vulnerable Canadians who need to be safeguarded. My concern is that this would not take place within this legislation before this chamber.

If we look at the great work that members of the all-party committee did, from the aspects of the all-party committee recommendations to what is before us in Bill C-14, the bill actually reflects more of the work done by the Conservative opposition on that committee. However, it certainly shows an indication of where the regulatory regime regarding assisted death would go. At some point in the future, it will likely include mature minors, and it will likely include people afflicted with mental illness, because that was the recommendation of the all-party committee.

As a veterans advocate for years before I joined Parliament, and having the privilege of being the veterans minister, I have met dozens of veterans who would have been decisionally vulnerable when they were suffering from depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, or another operational stress injury, but who are now leading productive lives as mothers and fathers. Some have returned to their role in the military. Many are actually advocating and helping other veterans.

Therefore, I am concerned with a regime that indicates that is where it will go. I know that Bill C-14 does not contain those provisions. However, the slippery slope element, which both the Sopinka courts and the McLachlin courts considered, show that is what we should anticipate in a few years. Although this House of Commons is well-intentioned, with an impossible regulatory regime, unable to look at every situation, I think the persuasively defended bright line has not been accomplished in Bill C-14.

Another example I will provide is that the Carter family themselves have expressed concern with Bill C-14. However, the Minister of Justice, in her thoughtful remarks in this chamber, which I appreciated, suggested that both appellants would have been provided for with respect to their assisted death under Bill C-14. That is not according to the family. The minister had to use language relating to a condition that can become “reasonably foreseeable” of death. Therefore, even the distinction between the named plaintiff in this case, the position of the family and the people who advocated for them, is at odds with Bill C-14 and the position of the justice minister.

If anything shows the fact that there is already a slippery slope and a very difficult framework to set, I am concerned that this has been rushed and it will not defend and safeguard against the decisionally vulnerable.

Could Bill C-14 be improved or, if Parliament could take more time, could it address this issue that confronts this place with Carter? In my weighing of all of the issues, as I said, as a parliamentarian who tries to draw upon my own experiences, as everyone does in this place, I do not think Bill C-14 can do that. I still feel that the persuasively defended bright line accomplished in the Sopinka decision has not been met by Bill C-14. In addition, many of the concerns providing the slippery slope that the Supreme Court in Carter raised have not been addressed by Bill C-14 either.

However, I have appreciated people sharing their points of view on this important issue. Parliament should not fear important debates. Members should come here in a respectful and thoughtful tone.

[Public Safety, April 20th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, when the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness proposed outsourcing RCMP occupational health to provincial compensation boards in Bill C-7, he claimed that compensation would be reasonably consistent across the country. Yesterday in committee, we heard that in Lloydminster in his own province this could result in thousands less for one RCMP member depending on which detachment that officer came from, the Saskatchewan side or the Alberta side.

When will the minister acknowledge our concerns about fair treatment and strike clauses 40 and 42 from Bill C-7?

[Battle of Vimy Ridge, April 20th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, tonight the French ambassador hosts the annual Vimy reception to honour the special relationship between France and Canada forged on the battlefield of Vimy Ridge. Next year marks the 100th anniversary of this defining Canadian moment, and I am very proud of the preparations under way in both our countries.

In the Durham region, 26 schools held their Vimy day walk, where students started in four different locations, marking the four Canadian divisions, and each group walked a sombre 3600 metres, marking the number of fallen at Vimy Ridge.

I would like to congratulate the board, and staff and students from Maxwell Heights, Clarington Central, Bowmanville High, Port Perry High and Courtice Secondary.

Last Saturday, I had the honour of attending the Sam Sharpe gala where Uxbridge Secondary staff and students honoured their World War I MP and alumni, bringing the community together while also raising funds for the students' trip to Vimy 100.

I salute these organizers, teachers and students who show Canada that 100 years later we hold the torch of remembrance high.

[Air Canada Public Participation Act, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, he certainly was off the Bomarc. I did get his reference, so kudos to him.

Mr. Diefenbaker was almost burned in effigy at this dinner that I had. I had a hard time staying in form pretending to be George Hees, one of his ministers at the time. I would like to thank the Clarington Museums for such an amazing event.

However, I do not think there has been any government that has consistently supported this industry better than Conservative governments. The industrial regional benefits program, from our procurement programs, is what keeps these supply chains alive.

That is why this Minister of National Defence is asking the Prime Minister to reverse his position from the election. As I said in my speech, the Liberals like to take two positions on one issue. In the election they were going to cancel the F-35s, and now maybe not.

I would remind that member—and I would thank him for teeing up this response—that as a former Sea King aviator, I certainly do know the hundreds of millions of dollars lost and the job cuts and losses to the aerospace industry, as a result of the move by Prime Minister Right Hon. Chrétien. In fact, his first move as prime minister in 1993 was to devastate the aerospace industry and set the air force back.

I would like to thank that member for taking us back on a bit of a history lesson.

[Air Canada Public Participation Act, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, there are a variety of public policy options available to the government.

In the previous government, the capital cost allowance acceleration and a variety of other R and D credits and reforms were ways we were trying to help a range of manufacturing industries across the country, and particularly in my province of Ontario. I met regularly with the Aerospace Industries Association in Canada on ways that we could help them.

What we see here, as I said earlier in my speech and in previous answers to questions, is something that is the result of litigation, which is the result of the financial instability of one of those aircraft assemblers. What we have not had is a proper talk on that industry.

Having lived and served in the air force in Winnipeg, I know the excellent track record and global reputation of that industry. How can we best facilitate the success of that industry? Some of the policies of the previous government are the answer, as well as letting the regulatory process for airports like the Toronto island airport run its course. Then the private sector will actually help before the government has to come in with a bailout.

[Air Canada Public Participation Act, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his passion on this issue. We have heard some of his colleagues express the same concerns. Where we do differ is that the Progressive Conservative government of Prime Minister Mulroney privatized Air Canada. At the time, the public policy decisions were reflected in the Public Participation Act. I would think it would be fair to say, and I think my friend would agree, that the centres for excellence in the aerospace industry are still quite strong, and I have mentioned our strengths in that industry in Montreal, in Winnipeg in particular, and in Toronto. What has changed is the nature of the global supply chain. These are the debates we should be having in this Commons, not in a court of law, which is the route some of the unions have taken.

To hold the industry to a frozen moment in time in 1988 would not be prudent. However, what we have not had here is the full discussion that has taken place in Quebec or in Winnipeg with respect to how those governments took pragmatic public policy decisions to then remove themselves from litigation related to this act. The same thing has happened here. I have outlined in my speech where I think it has happened. However, I would prefer that the minister would get up and say that in the House.

[Air Canada Public Participation Act, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, I think the parliamentary secretary could detect from most of my remarks that it is not the actual policy within Bill C-10 that I take issue with, but it is the road getting to Bill C-10 that causes me some difficulty.

As I said at the beginning of my speech, having worked on the restructuring of Air Canada and seeing its growth and success in recent years under the strong leadership of Calin Rovinescu and the team, there is a good debate to be had on whether it should be shackled exactly to the purposes of the 1988 act.

Therefore, I would ask her this. Was she part of the meetings on February 15 that the minister had with that company? Did the minister facilitate this deal, much like the Quebec government facilitated a settlement of litigation, much like the Manitoba government facilitated a deal? It is the facilitation that is an important part of Bill C-10, and that has not been explained to the House.

[Air Canada Public Participation Act, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege to rise to speak to Bill C-10 and to join in the debate today. This is one of those unique circumstances where the opposition, in many ways, is united in part and is in some ways speaking with a unified voice, but for different reasons, perhaps. In many ways, this debate is an interesting one for me, given my background in the Air Force and my background as a lawyer. In my early days, articling as a first-year lawyer, I was involved in the CCAA restructuring of Air Canada. That was a time when Canadians worried about losing our flagship carrier. The company successfully restructured under CCAA, which protected a lot of jobs, a lot of commercial relationships across the country, and the airline.

We all remember years when there were many more serving the country, companies like Canadian and Wardair. It shows how globally competitive this industry is.

I was very proud, as a young lawyer, to be involved with the firm that represented Air Canada in that restructuring many years ago.

Its heritage as a former crown corporation is really why we are here with Bill C-10, an act to amend the Air Canada Public Participation Act, which was a creature of the privatization. Most of the comments from my NDP friends along the way relate to the commitments made back in 1987 and 1988 when this crown corporation was privatized.

I do not think even my Liberal friends would suggest that the industry is the same today as it was in 1988. To suggest even the members of the unions they are talking about are performing the same tasks on the same type of aircraft would be false, because certainly the industry has changed in terms of technology, in terms of the needs of the workforce, and in terms of the globalization of the supply chain. Therefore, we have to have these debates in the House of Commons.

Where I am united with my NDP friends in my concern is really how this debate is coming to the floor. In many ways, the new Liberal government is showing that the old ways—and in fact the ways a lot of Canadians disliked about the Liberal governments in the past—appear to be back, when deals are made to benefit special interests or certain groups and the public policy ramifications of an issue are not actually spoken about.

I am going to raise a few of these points, in relation to the debate of Bill C-10 because I think they are important.

In many ways, the Liberals prove that old adage: why take one position on an issue when one can take two positions on an issue politically and advance both?

Here is one. Most of the Liberal Party at the time, in the 1980s, opposed privatization of Air Canada at the time when the Mulroney government proceeded with that privatization. Yet, here it is sneaking in an amendment to the participation aspects and sort of the job guarantees provided in the 1980s, with limited discussion and no real mention in its election document, which it holds sacrosanct in all other aspects of what it is doing in its early days, and we are here as a result of it.

It is also the result of its bad policy decision with respect to the Toronto island airport and the fact that a private sector operator was looking at buying a Bombardier aircraft at a time that Bombardier was seeking government assistance. However, because of a small lobby group in downtown Toronto, very influential within its caucus, it circumvented the regulatory process looking at the expansion of a regional airport.

That is not just a decision made in isolation, because our transportation networks are integrated. What happens about Billy Bishop airport will impact Hamilton, the airport in Kitchener-Waterloo, Pearson airport, and the Pickering airport and what size that takes in the future.

These decisions cannot be taken in isolation, but they stopped expansion applications and review for the Toronto Island, thereby eliminating a private sector sale for Bombardier at a time when it is teetering. Yet, behind Bill C-10, is really a deal, I believe, that was crafted by the federal government in relation to another purchaser acquiring said aircraft and coming to the rescue, so to speak. I would like the minister to bring to the House whether Bill C-10 was discussed as an element of the private sector sale to Bombardier that we see Air Canada announcing? The announcement came mere days after that company met with the minister, so what someone needs to do is connect the dots on all this and see what led up to Bill C-10. The reason it was not in the Liberals' election platform was that it has come about as a result of the challenges Bombardier is facing. That is my concern.

We need to have a full debate, with discussion of the impact of Bombardier's financial difficulties alongside sales of aircraft and alongside litigation that several other provinces were party to, in relation to the Air Canada Public Participation Act.

Bill C-10 is a small bill in terms of the number of words, but when the onion is peeled on the issues underlying this, as all members of the opposition have been doing today, we see there is a lot more to the bill than the couple of pages that it appears to represent, and the government has not been transparent on that at all. For a government whose hallmark is transparency and sunny ways, we have seen that jettisoned on most issues within weeks.

In my remarks I am going to explore why I think these underlying public policy decisions relate to what is before us in Bill C-10, and that is why I have serious concerns with the bill. The government has not been transparent on the road that has us here considering this amendment to a long-standing act and a long-standing practice.

I am also very proud, as a former officer of the RCAF, of our aerospace industry, very proud of Bombardier, proud of Air Canada, our carriers, and proud of the suppliers, which are world-class. That is why, when the government made a quick move to scuttle the expansion of the Toronto island airport without proper consultation, that impacts our industry, which is world-class. Many Canadians do not realize that Canada was the third nation in space, with Alouette I. Canada basically trained most of the pilots in the free world that won World War II with the British Commonwealth air training plan.

On the weekend, I played the Hon. George Hees, John Diefenbaker's transport minister, at a dinner that recreated the Avro Arrow dream. We celebrated aerospace and our achievements. Diefenbaker himself was not celebrated at this dinner, because he did cancel the Arrow, but we have a tremendous heritage, and the opportunities in this industry are really not well known by Canadians. We remain the number one producer, from an R and D and a production standpoint, of flight simulators around the world.

When I was in Seoul as the parliamentary secretary for international trade in the previous government, I toured CAE's simulator just outside Seoul, which provides flight training and aircrew training for Asian airlines. We were there as part of the South Korea trade agreement. That is a company with a global reputation as the best in the business, and we should celebrate that.

Canada remains the number three producer in terms of aircraft production, small and medium-size aircraft with a new larger one on the horizon from Bombardier, which will again be best in class. We are third in engine production for civil air purposes. These are incredible numbers. They are all well-paying, all highly skilled and high trade jobs, and they are all trade focused.

At a time when our dollar is lower and we have the ability to trade very competitively, we should be taking advantage of leveraging this industry, not secret deals that hold it back. There are $28 billion in revenue across the companies within this sector, both in the supply chain and in production and manufacturing; and 76,000 jobs across the country, in all provinces, with particularly well-regarded and highly concentrated industries in the Montreal area, Winnipeg, Toronto, and also in Mainland B.C. We should foster these jobs and work with them.

Our previous government did in terms of reforming research and development. In fact, the previous government outlined the Red Wilson report to ensure we constantly looked at our competitiveness. Red Wilson had been a corporate leader at CAE.

It is worth noting some of these companies, and I have a particular passion for them, not just because I am ex-air force, but because I am ex-minister of veterans affairs. A lot of these companies are veteran employers. In some cases, their senior leadership are veterans. They include MacDonald, Dettwiler and Associates, the famed Canadarm, probably our biggest iconic R and D development; Viking Air, which has recreated some of the old classic de Havilland aircraft that have been flying for generations; Cascade; Avcorp; Bombardier; CAE; and COM DEV. We also have global companies producing in Canada, including Boeing, General Dynamics, and Lockheed Martin, through our industrial regional benefits programs that provide supply sector jobs as a result of our defence purchases, which at times the government seemed somewhat uncertain. However, if something is acquired, there is money put in to research and development into jobs on the ground here.

That supply chain is critical and is why our industry has to modernize. We need to have a debate on the ground about public participation and about the industry so our manufacturers, including some of the businesses I named, do not take advantage of servicing for Air Canada, or WestJet or Porter. They really need to be involved in the global supply chain for both maintenance and production.

What are we here for on Bill C-10? We have heard a lot of passion on the side of members of the New Democratic Party, but it boils down to three subtle changes to the act, which came in as a result of the privatization of Air Canada in 1988.

The bill would amend section 6(1)(d) of that act, changing the maintain operations and overhaul description of securing jobs as they stood in the 1980s into “...carry out or cause to be carried out...”, which recognizes that a lot of specialized manufacturers, whether landing gear or components, can provide that specialized life cycle maintenance that is important in the airline industry, and that specialization can happen through the carrying out. That makes sense in this environment, but we have not heard that because of the secret deals that have brought us to Bill C-10.

The operation and overhaul would be expanded to show that it would include any type of work related to airframes, engines, and components mainly because we have some expertise on a sub-component basis in Canada in terms of some of the leading producers.

The geographic areas protected back in 1988 with the privatization at that time were described as the city of Winnipeg, the city of Mississauga and the Montreal urban area, because I think they needed to describe that in a wider sense. The new amendments proposed in Bill C-10 will refine that to the provinces, as opposed to those cities proper.

The substance of Bill C-10 in some ways recognizes the fact that the industry is not the same industry it was in 1988. I can certainly understand why Air Canada probably wants to be unshackled from the requirements put on it in 1988 to ensure that the privatization was not too disruptive.

If we look at the airline as it stands today, it is strong and a global leader in many ways, but it is also subject to global competition. It has to be able to take advantage of the same expertise and opportunity. Therefore, if we are carry out, or cause to be carried out in a certain part of Canada, as long as we are getting that best-in-class ability to maintain and modernize fleets, then that is what we want to see.

The other thing I said at the outset, which has us here in this debate today and that the government has not been transparent on, is the fact that Bill C-10 is really the result of litigation in relation to adherence to this act. As I said, Air Canada probably, understandably, feels unfairly shackled by something that was done, not just by the last government or the previous government, but three governments ago, in the 1980s at a time when privatizations were a little newer. However, I think today most Canadians would certainly not expect the federal government to operate its airline in a competitive environment where there is a lot of choice.

Quebec and Manitoba joined the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers in litigation related to business changes in those jurisdictions. Certainly, with that union involved, it is why my friends in the NDP are as passionate, and I respect their standing up for workers and items they believe. However, I would suggest that their workers would tell them that this is not the same industry that it was in 1988.

What we saw was the government of Quebec drop its participation in this litigation as a result of an Air Canada decision to purchase aircraft. Obviously, there was some political horse-trading that went on, and the Quebec government removed itself from the litigation in return for Air Canada supporting the industry through the acquisition of Bombardier aircraft.

Manitoba also removed itself from this litigation by carving out a deal whereby Air Canada supported three world-class aerospace services suppliers in Manitoba and leased one of the Air Canada maintenance hangars to an operator in Manitoba on favourable terms. In that case, there was another provincial government coming up with a deal it thought was sound enough to remove itself from a civil action in relation to an act from 1980s.

As I said at the outset of my remarks, I would have much preferred it if the Minister of Transport had come to the House and told us that Bill C-10 was the result of yet another pragmatic deal that was made. However, to do that, he would have had to outline all aspects of that deal, what exactly happened, and if the government approached a private sector player to help it with respect to requests from Bombardier for assistance.

This is where we get into some difficult territory. Should the government be convening these meetings behind closed doors to cobble out a position, particularly when the minister was getting heat for ending the exploration of the expansion of the Toronto Island Billy Bishop Airport, and cancelled that with a tweak after demands from people within his caucus and within a group in Toronto advocated against an expansion? What that cancellation led to was a private sector company that was planning an acquisition of Bombardier aircraft could no longer proceed. All of these events gather, and that is the run-up to why we have Bill C-10.

We can actually have a rational discussion on whether it would be helpful to unshackle a company from requirements that limit its competitiveness from 1988 legislation. We can have that discussion, and I would like to, because the minister and the Liberal government have not come to the House in an open and transparent way, much like the parliamentary budget officer said they approached their recent budget, the least transparent in over 15 years.

I would like the government to outline all aspects that went into Bill C-10: the related litigation, the pressures in relation to the financial stability of Bombardier, and Air Canada's need to be competitive in a global age. I think we could have a proper debate if that was before the House. I am disappointed the information is not here for this debate.

[Instruction to Committee on Bill C-2, April 18th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for his remarks, and in particular for talking about two things. The first is the relatively new tool of the tax-free savings account that encourages savings, which we have seen decline in Canada in recent years, and helps seniors prepare for and during retirement. He outlined the new benefit quite well to this House.

The member has also highlighted how the so-called large tax cut for the middle class is a bit of a myth when we look at all of the things brought in for families by the previous government that were cut, such as programs for income splitting, universal child care, and a range of tax credits for children and families. If we compare it with the present regime, most middle-class families with dual incomes in Calgary or the Toronto area will be further behind than they are now with the new child benefit regime of the Liberals.

I would ask the member to highlight that in a little more detail, to show that rather than a universality of application, the Liberals have taken a lot of families who need the assistance out of those programs and it will set them back.

[The Budget, April 14th, 2016]

Mr. Speaker, all members of the House know the passion I have for the men and women who serve us in the military and the RCMP. This is an area of profound concern because, as the member said, they have already outlined a number of figures for the military that allow a comparison with the decade of darkness.

The main estimates that we now see before the House show an operational cut of $400 million and an almost $4-billion procurement cut or delay. If we combine the procurement cancellations alongside the operational cuts, that amounts to cuts that are actually larger than what we saw in total in the 1990s.

With procurement in particular, the longer we wait to acquire these aircraft, the higher the cost will be. The Sea King was cancelled while I was an officer cadet at the Royal Military College. I served my military time. I became a lawyer. I practised law. I was elected to Parliament. Then, in my first time on Power & Politics, what was I talking about? The Liberals' screwed-up Sea King procurement.

If we delay or screw up procurement, we are delaying it for 25 years. It will raise the cost to Canadians. Worse, it will potentially put the lives of the people we ask to serve this country at risk. I ask the Liberals to stop that.