House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was trade.

Last in Parliament October 2017, as Conservative MP for Battlefords—Lloydminster (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 2015, with 61% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canada Grain Act April 18th, 2005

Time after time, and I do not suppose the Prime Minister had lunch with that group either.

The government talks about the consultative process that the minister and his henchman have undertaken. They did not talk to anyone I know. I had three phone calls this morning from people who knew the bill was coming forward: one from the Canadian Wheat Board, one from the Western Grain Elevator Association, and one from the Inland Terminal Association, which I have worked with on different things in the House. They are all saying, “For God's sake, do not let this thing go through until we have a chance to come and talk about it”.

So when the member who introduced the bill this morning stood up and gave us the wonder list of organizations the government talked to, organizations that agree with this, they are saying they are not on that list. They have no problem with being WTO compliant; the words that were used were very carefully chosen. These people are all in favour of being WTO compliant, and they are, but they are not in favour of being compliant to this Liberal government that is trying to sneak this in through the back door in its dying days.

We are going to stand up and say no. We are going to ask for a full consultative process; it is going to happen before anything like this moves forward.

Canada Grain Act April 18th, 2005

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to stand today on behalf of the producers of Battlefords—Lloydminster to discuss Bill C-40. This is the first chance we have had to look at the bill. It is a fairly innocuous piece of legislation, just a few little paragraphs that comprise the bill, but the effects are far-reaching.

We need to have rules based trade. No one will argue with that. The problem I find, time after time, is that Canadian producers seem to be held to a different standard from other producers in the world. We always seem to be getting the short end of the stick. I am not sure if that is because we bargained in bad faith or that we have turned in too easily and allowed other countries to overrun the system that we work with here.

I have some major concerns with this little piece of legislation. No one has a problem with the WTO and with good, sound rules based negotiations and trade around the world. The problem is how do we do that without having these sidebar deals constantly caught up in trade actions that take years to come to agreement and hundreds of millions, if not billions, of dollars in hurt that we, as Canadians, seem to face on many different levels. I have some real concerns with being forced to make these changes as quickly as we are being asked to do so.

The government knew this was coming down when it starting forming legislation in September. It finally got around to doing this now. This has to be in place by August 1, the start of the next crop year, or we will face sanctions. There is no doubt in my mind that someone will pull the pin and we will face sanctions. The concern I have is the government wants us to treat this as housekeeping, look the other way and let it go through.

A lot has been made about the so-called consultative process that the minister undertook through his parliamentary secretary. The parliamentary secretary had a few meetings across the country. He lands at an airport, books a room in a hotel, invites three or four people from around the area to make a presentation, jumps back on an airplane three hours later and he is on to the next venue. That is not really a consultative process. We need to talk to a myriad of farm organizations, not just the ones that are government-friendly.

The Minister of Public Health introduced the bill, which I found a little strange in that the agriculture minister is here. He was here in question period. It was strange to have the Minister of Public Health from downtown Toronto introduce a bill that really has far-reaching effects on my producers in western Canada.

There was not a lot of agricultural intelligence in that speech. I am sure it was a canned speech from Agriculture Canada. She talked about the glowing results of what we are looking at. It just did not go anywhere. I asked a question about the billion dollar bail-out about which she was going on and on and she did not have the answer. I would have thought that if she was appointed and gave a glowing recommendation of this last announcement, she would have some idea about the aspect of the delivery and how far along it was, but she did not. I suppose someone forgot to give her that sheet.

Bill C-40 talks about doing three things. The government will now require, under the Canadian Grain Commission, entry permits, but there is no timeline in place as to how and when that will happen. We know that this will face the oversight of the other countries, especially the United States to which this is targeted, on August 1. However, we have no idea what form those permits will take, how they will be authorized, what the chain of command will be and what the bureaucracy will shape up to be. That is a concern.

The Grain Commission has become a real thorn in various parts of western Canada in the way it is operating. It is very secretive. It cuts back services, yet gets more and more money in its budgetary process. We have some major concerns with that as western farmers.

Another thing the bill talks about is blending. A person has to have permission from the Grain Commission whenever this is done. We have always had a blending aspect, but my concern is that we are losing the capacity to do that on the prairies. The Grain Commission really only wants that done at port. That could potentially cost my farmers hundreds of millions of dollars in a crop year by not being able to blend like we do.

The member for Macleod made the argument earlier, and I totally agree with him, that we have far too many grades and too complex a system in the country. We are graded at the various levels in protein and so on under milling wheat, yet when it goes into the boat to head off to Japan or whatever country is lucky enough to buy our product, it goes back in as milling wheat, period.

We clean it to export standards on the Prairies at these big huge terminals we built. When it gets back to the coast, then they are allowed a different standard and they tend to load garbage back into the hold of the boat.

I have heard complaints from the Japanese who import about stratified boatloads of Canadian grain that I have sold at a certain grade, cleaned to export standards, the 1% dockage or less that I am allowed. It is cleaned, but when it gets to the coast, they are allowed up to 4% on certain grades and they dump in lumber, bottles, crap and corruption. We had loads rejected at the other end a few years ago because of deer droppings.

If anybody knows how many times that grain has gone up and down an auger and an elevator and through machinery into trucks and back and forth to town before it got to Japan, one would wonder how that product could still be mixed in with the grain other than somebody bought the screenings and dumped it back in the boat after the farmer was done.

Part of the major concern I have is at what point along that chain do I no longer own and am answerable for it. I have dumped it in the pit at my elevator, however many miles away from my farm. We are fortunate because my farm is very close to some large terminals. Six months, eight months later, I can get a letter back from somebody saying, “We have now rejected your malt barley because”. How do I fight that?

In my role as an MP, I have had four of those instances come to the attention of my office. We have had three of them overturned and forced the company to take the hit, not the farmer. When is it no longer my product?

That is why I look to organizations like the Wheat Board, which is supposed to be there to help me. Lately it is not doing a lot of that. A gentleman by the name of Ken Ritter heads up the Wheat Board. Ken and I ran against each other in 1997. We get together a couple of times a year and I often kid Ken . I say to him that I supposedly won, but he got the better job. He gets to go home nights. His paycheque looks as good or better than mine. He does not have 75,000 people to whom he has to answer. His job can disappear, so can mine. That is the game we play.

I do not see a lot farmer farm gate-friendly resolutions coming out of the Wheat Board, the Canadian Grain Commission and a lot of the government programs out there. Therefore, I am very concerned about the bill and the impact it could have.

When we look at the blending and how we have to keep track of all the products now, under the legislation we have country of origin labelling inserted into Canada through the back door. There is a big uproar over why we would want to do that, and the cost of that labelling, but there it is. This is going to happen.

I do not know how they will do that without grain confetti or something. A few bushels here and there get blended off, but we do not run a separate train car or a separate truck for a few bushels of product. We tend to blend it and make the run pay. I am not sure how we will enforce that. I think we will see a tremendous amount of paper chase. A lot of bureaucrats will be happy with this. However, it will cost my producers a lot more in lost revenue because they will have to pay for it.

The third and final thing that is affected, and it is a sleeper issue, is the rail cap. This only affects board grains basically and it really will negatively affect our delivery, especially closer to the U.S. border. I know the member for Macleod made that point earlier about peak times when we need our grain moving. Right now there is no grain moving. He talked about the amount of elevators and granaries on the farms that were full. He is absolutely right, the system is plugged.

We have road bans on now in western Canada because of the spring thaw. We just had some more rain and snow up in our area so those bans will be on for longer than we would like. Farmers will then be in the field and forced to haul their grain while they try to do other portions of their farm work such as spraying in June and haying in July. Then we have the end of the crop year and they have been unable to move their product because they have not had the time to do so. However, will the cars be available?

This is a major concern in that the captive states in the north tier of the United States will, through this bill, be able to haul into the south part of Canada and use our rail system to get it to port. They will not like the turnaround times, but it does give them an extra access they do not have at this point. I know in the system, Portland. They drive right out on Roberts Bank and drop right into the containers that go off shore. We do not. We handle the grain three or four more times before it gets into the container.

I am not sure they are going to like the turnaround time or the freight rates, but the problem I have with this is that the rail cap was supposed to help western farmers access the 13,000 cars that the federal government owns and is in the process of supposedly rolling over to the Farmer Rail Car Coalition. It is a major concern at this point because then we would no longer control access to those cars to the same extent we do now, which is questionable.

We could not say no to a farmer from North Dakota, South Dakota or Montana who wants to make use of those same cars up into Canada. If he gets an elevator that will take his grain, under this bill we have to allow it. That is another concern in having access to those railcars: timely access to them. It may or may not put in jeopardy the whole Farmer Rail Car Coalition bid, because there will be some major drain on those cars. People have talked both sides of the fence in allocation of cars. This adds to that muddied water, let us say, in car allocation so that it is not in the best interests of our farmers in western Canada.

The U.S. has a vested interest in doing that, but the Americans also have access to the Mississippi River. They barge grain down at virtually no cost at all. Upgrades and maintenance required on the Mississippi are done by the Army Corps of Engineers. They use it as a training exercise. No cost goes back to the overhead for WTO compliance for American farmers. That is quite an ace in the hole. It makes a big difference. If the Americans start to load up our rail system plus having the ace in the hole of the Mississippi system, my guys are hit twice. That is why I have some major concerns.

I have no problem with this bill going through to committee, but I certainly want to see a full and open debate and a good strong witness list coming forward so that we can get this done in time for the August deadline.

We have another bill before committee right now. Bill C-27 is tying us up and does not have a snowball's chance in hell of passing before this session ends in the spring, election or not. No one other than the CFIA likes that bill. I would argue very strongly that the committee drop its hearings on Bill C-27 and get right into Bill C-40 if we are to make that deadline. This is something that we are going to have to do to hit that implementation.

Rules based trade is fantastic. My concern is that we seem to get mired down and continue to think that we are hewers of wood and drawers of water. We think that bulk commodities are all we can do in western Canada. A lot of this WTO compliance is targeted to our bulk commodities, as are the complaints, for that matter. If we were allowed to value add, to process that product on the Prairies, and if farmers owned those processing plants, we would see an extra $1 or $2 a bushel in added revenue, plus then we would be shipping a processed commodity that would not face all of this rigmarole under the WTO.

This would also get us into the emerging markets in the Pacific Rim that do not have the infrastructure to process. We could start to fill those markets. Right now we are not filling those markets. They do not want bulk grain. They want flour. They want malt ready to go into their malt plants that they have started to develop over there. They want the durum flour and pasta. We need to start filling those markets. This legislation does not help that out at all.

We really have to wonder whose side the government bureaucrats organizing these things are on. Are the bureaucrats thinking this through or are we just going in there being the white knight and signing all these international agreements while our producers here in Canada take the hit?

We are seeing emerging markets and emerging producers such as Brazil coming forward. They can produce twice the product for half the cost because they do not face the taxation and regulatory burden that my guys do, but we have to compete with them out there in the global market. Now, with WTO agreements and so on, I am going to have to start competing with them for the domestic market here in Canada. That is great. Good for them. Come on strong, I say, but let us get a level playing field. When they are starting to be the world supplier on several different commodities, how do they still fall under this developing nation preferred status and get the gold key to my domestic markets here in Canada?

Someone has to start to think this through and look after my farmers first, not someone else. As much as we like to see them coming forward as well, it cannot be on the backs of my farmers.

I do not really see how this rule change is going to help my producers in any positive way at all. Certainly until we get some amendments, as the member for Haldimand—Norfolk said today, this bill has no chance at all of getting through in time for the August 1 deadline.

Whose fault is that? Is that our fault for giving the bill due diligence as we should? Or is it the fault of the government, which agreed to this in this short term timeframe and is trying to push it through in the dying days of this session? Or in an election for that matter, it will try to point the finger and say, “You put our guys at risk”. No, the risks are in the day we signed on to this stuff. That is my concern.

In 2002 there was a very fulsome report on the grain commission and the whole grain trade. No one has yet seen a copy of that report. It has been hidden away. I asked for a copy of that report over two months ago at the agriculture committee. I finally got a letter back. The clerk of the committee showed it to me at the last committee meeting, last Thursday. We got a reply from the government. The government will get the report to me just as soon as it has a chance to translate it.

As far as I remember, the Official Languages Act was in place in 2002, so if that report was tabled as it was supposed to have been and as we were told it was, it is already in both official languages. The government is stalling. There are things in the report the government does not want us to see. Let us imagine that: these guys are being secretive.

Canada Grain Act April 18th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, it was interesting to hear the Minister of State for Public Health from Toronto talk about changes to the WTO requirements that basically will affect western Canada alone. She talked glowingly about the parliamentary secretary doing his cross-Canada farcical, whimsical tour. She talked about all the groups that were in favour of this motion.

This morning my phone has been ringing off the hook from those very people who are not in favour of these recommendations. They do not want to see this fast-tracked through, which the minister has outlined the government is prepared to do that. I am here to tell her that those associations are waiting for their time before the agriculture committee to outline exactly what needs to be done, and not rush this bill through.

The minister also talked about the billion dollar payout that her government announced a couple of weeks ago. The cheques were to be flow in April. It is now less than 10 working days until the end of April. Could the minister stand and tell us how much of that money has been dispersed to date?

Budget Implementation Act, 2005 April 15th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, I would laud Canadian taxpayers for bearing up under the burden that the government has heaped on them year after year.

Let us talk about the $50 billion farm debt. Let us talk about the $25 billion that the Prime Minister, as finance minister, carved out of the health and social transfers to provinces. Let us talk about the $40 billion that he ripped out of the EI fund to balance his books and fudge them. Let us talk about the $60 billion infrastructure deficit across the country at which they are throwing nickels and dimes.

We have the lowest productivity and the highest taxes of the G-7, and that member wants to say that is a record to laud. I would like to see him take that on the hustings.

Budget Implementation Act, 2005 April 15th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for giving me that second chance. I am not sure the electorate of Glengarry—Prescott—Russell will be as kind to him this next election.

The hon. member has it completely backward. When he talked about being factual, it is the opposition that offered the Liberal government a couple of times that if it to hived that off from the budget bill, we would pass it in one day. He should go back and read the blues. The Leader of the Opposition stood in the House of Commons in question period and put that idea across to the Prime Minister and the Liberals refused to do it.

If the hon. member goes back and checks media clips in Newfoundland and Labrador, and my colleague from Newfoundland and Labrador is sitting right here, it is this party that led the charge at the federal level when the Prime Minister would not even talk to the premier, Danny Williams. We had calls from Premier Hamm in Nova Scotia saying that he needed us there to do it because he would not talk to them. We were happy to carry that load.

Going back further into the past, the now minister of public perks over there, who used to be from Nova Scotia and represented those people, parroted the words of the Leader of the Opposition. He talked about the dependency that the Liberals created in Atlantic Canada and then lived off that like scavengers on a dead cow. The minister opposite knows all about dead cows and the scavengers that can show up.

When we talk about the actual Atlantic accord, the hon. member has no lessons to give anybody.

Budget Implementation Act, 2005 April 15th, 2005

The member is a little premature with the applause. Nobody ever talks about the extra $140 billion that went on the debt from 1993 until the government finally got things slowed down and turned around in 1997. The Liberals should look in the mirror. Some of the blemish is on them as well for those high deficit years and the high debt accumulation that we face in this country.

The Prime Minister stands in his place and tells everybody he has fixed health care for a generation. Then the other day he stood up and went off on a tangent. Even he does not believe that anymore. He knows it is not working, because the provinces are still scrambling to deliver health care to their people. In spite of what the Prime Minister says, in spite of that political rhetoric, it is not fixed for a generation. As it turns out, it is going to take a generation to fix it at the rate these guys are going.

The rhetoric and the actual solutions never quite balance off. That is part of the problem we see in this budget. We see the equalization formula coming under attack. In order to make this budget saleable, the Liberals have hooked in the Atlantic accord. Of course the other provinces, Ontario, Saskatchewan and even British Columbia, all these other provinces, are coming forward and saying, “Wait a minute, this thing is almost 50 years old”.

There are some 30 different formulas that make up the way they arrive at the numbers of who gets what. Non-renewable resources have to be taken out of the formula. It requires 10 provinces to agree; I think we are getting close to that. Everybody has some concern and the Liberals will not address it. The Prime Minister will not even sit down with his country cousin from Ontario and talk about it. He is saying that there are more substantive issues. In reality, there are not.

Money makes the world go around when it comes to governments. That is the lifeblood, that taxation system and the cashflow that erupts from it. What about when a province is not getting its fair share, as is the case in Saskatchewan? There is $1 billion a year for the last eight years that we have been watching, that we have not received and that we should have received under the formula that is a sidebar deal with the Atlantic accord.

We have a problem with that, because that really comes back to haunt the farmers, especially in Saskatchewan. The provincial government, rightly or wrongly, is not ponying up its share. It has some dollars in the wrong pigeonholes, there is no doubt about it, and that extra $1 billion probably would be tossed aside and put on some of its pet projects, like the potato fiasco that took place in that province. However, the reality is that Saskatchewan still has the right to that dollar. Then it is up to the province's electorate to decide whether they like what the government is doing or not.

The federal government, in its wisdom, likes to take on all that power and control it through the dispensation of money. In the budget itself Saskatchewan gets a bit of money for equalization through the treatment of the Crown leases: $6.5 million out of a $1 billion shortfall. That is an insult. As it turns out, Ottawa keeps the mine and Saskatchewan gets the shaft. That is what is happening. It is a little short of what has been promised or even what has been talked about.

I started talking about agriculture a minute ago. One of the major concerns I had with the original budget was that again agriculture was left out. There were a few dollars tossed around here and there, but most of those dollars went to the bureaucrats and different government programs. There was really nothing to the farm gate other than a cashflow promise to cow-calf guys, which does not start for over a year, not until 2006. Of course this is the year we are having trouble because the government's own safety net programs do not work. We are always destined to fail.

The Liberals are great at making big announcements. We heard one again a couple of weeks ago: another $1 billion. The consumers in the big cities ask how farmers can be hurting when they have been given another $1 billion. It sounds like a lot of money, but when we get past the smoke and do not look at the mirrors that the Liberals are setting up around there, less than 50¢ on each of those dollars will ever or could ever be delivered the way this particular program is set up. It is a separate sidebar deal outside of the CAIS system that was supposed to be the answer to every farm gate woe.

I guess that in doing this the Liberals are finally admitting that CAIS is not working. We cannot even get a cash advance out of that critter, so the government has come up with another way to try to trigger money out to the farm gate. The reality of that one is that delivery, as I said, is going to be about 50¢ on the dollar of what is announced, and it is going to get clawed back in any future payouts through CAIS. It negatively affects our reference margin, which holds us even more in abeyance in any further cashflow. It is another recipe for disaster.

Again, the government is great in the promises and the headlines are always wonderful, but reality never measures up. That is the balance that the Liberals always seem to miss. As we get closer and closer to an election, they have to start looking over their shoulders and saying, “We promised this. Where is the delivery?”

I am sure that this time around Canadians are going to hold these guys to account, not just for the Gomery inquiry and the sponsorship fiasco, but for every other little aspect that they promised and never really delivered on.

Budget Implementation Act, 2005 April 15th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise on behalf of my constituents of Battlefords--Lloydminster and speak again to budget 2005.

Of course this is a bit of a stretch, in that the budget for 2004 is still sitting in the Senate. This is definitely a pre-election ploy. We have a budget coming down in the dying days of this Parliament, no doubt about it now. We hear the Prime Minister and some of the other ministers saying, “Oh, no, we are going to lose all of this if things happen”. But it really flies in the face of logic when we see that the budget for 2004 is still sitting in the Senate, which is controlled by Liberals at this point. There is no reason for it to languish there other than the fact that these guys campaign a lot better on promises than they campaign on reality, so I guess that is part of the reality bite over there.

The last member who spoke talked about balance, saying that the Liberals do certain things because they are trying to strike a balance. I guess there's a balance that they have never really been able to handle: political rhetoric and promises are one thing, but trying to balance that off with practical solutions never seems to collide in this place. They are always held far apart from each other. As I said, the Liberals campaign better on promises than they do on reality.

There was an interesting editorial in the Montreal Gazette , which says that the Prime Minister suggests that “a quick election must be avoided because his [minority] government has not accomplished anything yet...this might be a better reason to bring down his government than to sustain it”.

There was a huge, ambitious agenda, which is what the Prime Minister ran his leadership on and of course also last year's election, the throne speech and now the budget. There is all this ambition they talk about, but we are not seeing anything move ahead. We are seeing bill after bill introduced and get shovelled off to committee, which helps the Liberals control the committee agenda, but nothing ever really goes past the starting gate from this point and gets out there to the people.

Last year's promises have not been delivered. As I said, they are still tied up in the Senate. The ones that have been pushed through this place and are at committee are largely ignored at this point as committees get piled up with legislation that is coming forward. The stuff that did sneak through is either forgotten about or the promise is broken and it is not being delivered, so at best, that ambitious agenda started, stumbled and fell. It never did get going like everybody thought it would. The hype has not measured up to the reality in this case.

The Prime Minister was touted all through last year and he chased Mr. Chrétien until Mr. Chrétien caught him; there is no doubt in anybody's mind now. The hype was that he was the Liberal Party's biggest asset. I guess they got it half right, because everything is coming home to bite, and it is all tumbling down.

This house of cards cannot last. We are seeing some unprecedented things. There is more money than ever to play with in this budget. That means taxpayers are getting ripped a little too deeply. We are seeing a lot of time and energy tied up in the sponsorship fiasco, and rightly so. Justice Gomery is doing a tremendous job. Whatever it costs is not an issue with me and my constituents. We want to see the bottom of that barrel. We know whose face is going to be reflected back out of there, so let us keep on going with Justice Gomery. An election call is not going to stop him. He is on a roll. He has his witnesses lined up. He is ready to go.

The concern I have is that we will not see a report until November of next fall at the earliest, and judging from what these guys on the opposite benches do with reports from the Auditor General and different people who blow the whistle on them, those reports kind of get buried and sanitized and cleaned up. When the reports finally do see the light of day around this place, they are usually too late or there is so much whiteout on the pages that we cannot really tell what the person wanted to say in the first place.

We hear ridiculous arguments like “forensic reviews”. There is no such animal. I am not a high-priced accountant or lawyer or anything like that, but I have run a lot of businesses. There is just no such thing as a forensic review. The government is hiding behind this type of rhetoric.

There is a tremendous amount in this budget that sort of starts to go in the right direction, but these things either never got a plan or dollars attached. It is always, “Trust me. We are from the government. We are here to help. We will get it right. Give us five, six, seven or ten years out there and we will see some differences”.

We heard a lot of talk about what great things the government has done balancing the books, but nobody ever talks about--

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, it was said earlier by my colleague from Yorkton--Melville that the waiting times we face in Saskatchewan are double and triple that of what we see in the rest of Canada.

The problem goes back to the federal government originally being a fifty-fifty partner in health care. That number went as low as 14¢ on the dollar in some provinces. We have now ramped it back up, with all these side deals that the Prime Minister made to buy votes in the last couple of elections and with his scary health care philosophy, to 25¢ on the dollar. It is still half of what it should have been that many years ago.

When we look at the cataclysmic effect that has had in health care, that is what has led to the lineups. We have lost all of our doctors and our small town health care systems because the federal government did not put in its fair share, and it continues to not do that.

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, that is more than a simple question. There is a lot of complexity in this situation. As I said, it is where do we start.

I guess the first start is to start. We should not hide behind another year long study of something when the provinces have already told the government what they need and what they want. It is a matter of getting on with that performance.

The member opposite should realize that the one person whom Saskatchewan objected to was taken away all together and no one replaced that person. Therefore, the expert panel is a little circumspect.

However, taking out the non-renewable resources is a great first start. If there are provinces that slide a little, then that is what the equalization formula is supposed to address.

When we start to see a province like Saskatchewan become a have province and build on that, not for one year as the finance minister is crowing about but year after year, we will start to see finances coming from that province, and we are more than happy to prop up someone else.

However, when we see the system now where Saskatchewan receives less than $100 million, our next door neighbour Manitoba receives almost $1.5 billion and we are propping it up with our oil and gas, we say it is not working and it is inequitable. We have to start making those changes.

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, my colleague, the member for Regina--Lumsden--Lake Centre has been instrumental in getting this motion before the House today.

He is absolutely right. The whole initiative back in 1957 was to create fairness, to level the Confederation playing field. It started out with all the best intentions. Now we have politicized it, turned the bureaucracies loose on it, both at the provincial and federal levels, and we have had huge infighting. Government after government has been afraid to tinker with it. It has become like the tax code. It is so complex that where do we begin and once we begin where do we stop?

We are seeing the same noises coming out of Ontario. It is saying that it is missing out on certain aspects of it. I think that is what is stopping the finance minister and his Liberal minions more than anything. Once we start that slide into change, where are we able to build the dam and say that this is enough and we will not go any further”?

Whether Ontario's arguments are valid or not, it has a right to bring them forward. The Premier of Saskatchewan, the Premier of Alberta, the Premier of Nova Scotia and the Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador are all there for the best interests of their people. The federal government, in taking on all the tax measures it has done over the last number of years, now controls the cashflow and the power. It is time for it to start to rework the whole Confederation, and maybe not just the equalization formula. It time it get in there and talk about strengthening the fabric of the country at all levels.