Hélène Laverdière

[Foreign Affairs, February 28th, 2014]

Mr. Speaker, this morning we learned that Russian troops are occupying the two main airports in Crimea, and Ukraine's border guards have indicated that 30 Russian marines have surrounded a Ukrainian coast guard base in Sevastopol.

Can the government tell the House what information it has about the situation in Crimea?

[Artists for Peace, February 28th, 2014]

Mr. Speaker, on February 14, I attended a very moving ceremony by Artistes pour la paix, an organization celebrating its 30th anniversary this year. At the ceremony, the artist for peace award went to Serge Lavoie, who is also known as the “guitar strummer”. In 2012, Mr. Lavoie was the victim of police brutality, an experience that did not deter, but perhaps reinforced his commitment to peace.

Tribute awards were presented to screenwriter Fabienne Larouche, visual artist Dominique Blain and, posthumously, filmmaker Arthur Lamothe, distinguished artists who inspire us all.

These awards prove that everyone can commit to peace in their respective fields. Individual commitment is essential to the health of our democracy, which is currently under attack. Congratulations to all those who are doing their part for peace and social justice.

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, I would like to thank my colleague for his interesting speech.

I would like to remind him that, in its 2008 Speech from the Throne, the Conservative government promised to create a democracy promotion agency. In the end, it dropped that idea.

Does my colleague think that such an agency or an organization like Rights and Democracy, which has, sadly, disappeared, could have helped Ukraine in its ongoing transition to democracy?

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, my colleague's remarks show that he is deeply concerned about the current and future financial and economic situation in Ukraine. I would like to ask him a question in that regard.

We know that Canada suspended sanctions and that it has not taken steps to freeze any assets that the Ukrainian officials who participated in this repression might have in Canada.

However, with all the corruption that occurred, we know that the highest authorities in the Ukrainian regime, who just disappeared, pocketed billions of dollars belonging to the Ukrainian people. If all countries would agree to freeze those assets, that money could eventually be returned to Ukraine.

What does my colleague think about that?

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, I thank my hon. colleague for his speech.

We think it is important to support the Ukrainian parliament's request that the International Criminal Court investigate what went on in Ukraine.

Does the hon. member support that position?

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, I completely agree with that approach. It is always important to work with our partners. Right now, we need to work with the European Union, the United States and the International Monetary Fund to address the urgent situation in Ukraine.

As I said in my speech, we also need to consider the long-term. In addition, we should consider Canada's capacity to promote democracy and respect for human rights, as my colleague rightfully pointed out. We have lost vital institutions on that front. For example, the government abolished Rights and Democracy. However, Canada still has the expertise and we need to invest in it. It is essential that we work with all of our partners in order to co-ordinate our actions and get results.

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, we have always been very clear during our statements and during debate in the House. We have pushed for renewed peace, dialogue, respect for human rights and so on. That has always been our position. I have always enjoyed working with the hon. member, but I do not understand his vision, his change in position.

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, I totally agree on these three points: the need for election observers, the need to investigate the crimes and human rights abuses that occurred in Ukraine, and the need for the IMF to get involved. In fact, we know that the IMF has been in discussion with officials for the past few days since the government still has not been installed. The process is under way. I agree with the three points mentioned, and I had the opportunity to mention others in my speech. For example, we must think about reconstruction, about immediately freezing the assets, and about supporting Parliament's request for the International Criminal Court to look into this. There is a wide range of measures that could be taken.

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, we are obviously all very concerned about the situation in Ukraine. That is why I am pleased to have an opportunity to speak in the House tonight as part of this take note debate.

I want to point out that we requested an emergency debate on Monday. Although our request was denied, at least we are able to talk about this very important issue this evening.

We were all relieved to see that violence has de-escalated over the past few days. We were also very relieved to learn, just a few hours ago, that a government of national unity is being formed in Ukraine. This is a good sign and a step in the right direction. It is desperately needed. Let us make no mistake. Just because President Yanukovych is gone and there is this new government of national unity does not mean that the situation has been resolved. There is still a lot to be done.

One urgent problem that exists right now is Ukraine's economic situation. This country needs billions of dollars. I think that Canada should work with its IMF partners to ensure that the major emergencies can at least be dealt with.

There are still stability and security issues. The country will not become stable and secure again unless all the actors in Ukrainian society work together, which appears to be happening.

I would like to comment further on the idea of working together. The government announced that a Canadian delegation is going to Kiev. I think that is good because it is something we asked for. I am glad the government is doing that. However, it is too bad that the delegation includes only Conservative members of Parliament and that opposition MPs were not invited. They are going to Ukraine to deliver a message of national unity, but they cannot even set an example by inviting parliamentarians from both sides of the House to address an issue that people have differing opinions about, even though we agree on the heart of the matter.

There are still many challenges ahead, including the challenge of getting all regions of the country to work together. People from all over seem to be coming together, although the situation in Crimea is something of an unknown. We have been following that situation closely. Also unknown is how neighbouring Russia will react, but we have to hope that things will settle down in the coming hours and days.

May is not far off, and there is an election to organize. A well-run election is critical to progress in Ukraine. Canada must send election observers.

Even that will not be the end of the story. Not everything will have been said and done. After that, the country needs to be rebuilt. At that stage, Canada needs to be more present than ever. Institutions must be strengthened, and that includes law enforcement and public services. Corruption must be battled. Democratic development must take place; that is critical. Economic development must be pursued. Earlier I said that the very difficult economic situation is one of the toughest issues Ukraine is dealing with right now.

I would like to digress again here. At the meeting of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development this afternoon, we heard from several people, including some groups of Ukrainian Canadians. I was astounded to learn that people are still waiting for a call for tenders for a project discussed with CIDA to promote small business in Ukraine.

Small businesses are essential to the economy, but they also help combat corruption because they are less of a target for the large corruption networks. However, people have been waiting for the call for tenders to be issued for over a year. Beyond the more general situation, I am therefore taking the opportunity to encourage the government to ensure that this call for tenders is finally issued.

Going back to Ukraine's major challenges, there is the matter of tax evasion. We heard that people had evaded tax on over $40 billion. Therefore, the tax system needs to be reformed. Canada has experience in that area and should therefore be present until Ukraine can address these basic problems.

It will also be important to look at justice and reconciliation. However, reconciliation often requires that justice be done. I think that Canada should support the Ukrainian parliament's request that the International Criminal Court launch an investigation into the crimes committed by the former regime.

I know that the Ukrainians are going to put their shoulders to the wheel and roll up their sleeves to rebuild. Canada must support them. To do that, we can freeze the assets of Ukrainian leaders. Unless no Ukrainian leader has any assets in Canada—and that may change in any event—we should proceed with freezing their assets. I do not understand why the government is refusing to do so.

We are talking about billions of dollars that have been stolen from the Ukrainian people, money that is just sitting in banks all around the world. That money should be returned to its rightful owners, the Ukrainian people. We should be freezing that money so that no one else can use it in the meantime to escape to a new part of the world, for example.

Our Ukrainian brothers and sisters have the right to a stable, democratic and prosperous country. Canada should be by their side and accompany them in their efforts. Let's work with them in order to help them realize their hopes.

[Ukraine, February 26th, 2014]

Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague for his very interesting speech. However, I must admit that I was a bit surprised to hear him say that Canada has not imposed sanctions because the Yanukovych regime is no more.

The regime is no more, but one of the sanctions we suggested and pushed very hard for was to freeze his assets. They have not been frozen. President Yanukovych and his regime—let us call it what it is—still have access to these assets. The majority of these assets most likely belong to the people of Ukraine and they should one day be returned to these people so that they can rebuild their country. These leaders could also use these assets to flee the country.

Why have we not frozen their assets?