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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was system.

Last in Parliament September 2016, as Conservative MP for Calgary Midnapore (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 2015, with 67% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply December 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member at the outset of his remarks questioned the motivation of the official opposition putting this motion before the House at this time suggesting that for some reason it was peculiar to put it forth the day after the Quebec election.

The hon. member will know that each opposition party is allocated a limited number of supply days to debate motions of this nature. We have been planning for some time to hold a motion on the balancing of powers, reform of the federation, the social union and our new Canada act. We did not schedule this day. It appeared this way on the parliamentary calendar.

I think it is quite propitious that we have an opportunity to debate this in light of the democratic decision of the people of Quebec yesterday. Had we done this before an election of course the hon. member would have said it was interfering in the Quebec election and so forth.

This timing is a complete red herring. There have been two motions now to extend what is not a deadline in the motion before the House. It is a target date. It simply urges to the government to conclude an agreement with the provinces and territories prior to December 31. It is a very similar wording they use in their own declarations.

If the hon. member does not agree with that deadline or that suggested date of conclusion, perhaps he has another one he could suggest. The Prime Minister told us he has always in his political career supported Senate reform as an objective. He has been here for 35 years. Is that how expeditiously this government operates with respect to its constitutional agenda?

I want to ask the member why he does not allow some flexibility with respect to the timing in this motion. Why is it he who is denying unanimous consent to extend the proposed time line in this motion?

Supply December 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member for Simcoe North said at the outset that the premiers oppose an arbitrary deadline. If that is the case, how would he characterize the statement in their accord of August 6 of this year which states “The premiers stressed that negotiations should now proceed with a view to concluding a draft agreement by the end of the year”? Was that an arbitrary deadline? Was it not? If so, what is the difference between that statement and the deadline proposed in this motion? That is my first question.

My second question is, if he does not want arbitrary deadlines and if he does not like the one in this motion, why did he and his colleagues oppose two efforts to amend our motion to extend the deadline? Does he have a better idea? Does he have another deadline in mind, or no deadline at all? Did he just want this to go on indefinitely as it has for 30 years?

Supply December 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the precise position of the Reform Party with respect to the social union reform of the federation has been laid out in some considerable detail in our proposed new Canada act, a copy of which the hon. member opposite can find at our web site at www.reform.ca, or by writing to my office postage free. I would be happy to send him a copy of the new Canada act. It endorses in large part the recommendations of the premiers on the social union but goes further in other areas. It is not identical, but we do believe that social union is a major addition to the debate.

The hon. member said he was going to address both issues, one of which was timing. All day we have heard from the Liberal members that the December 31 deadline in our motion was unrealistic. We have listened to the concerns of various members opposite. We want to be co-operative in this.

This morning, we supported a motion from the Conservative Party to extend the deadline.

Just now I sought unanimous consent for a motion to extend the deadline to later in the year 1999.

Perhaps the hon. member opposite has a better idea about a deadline, but some kind of deadline is necessary if we are going to stop the vacillation of the federal government. That is all we are saying.

This does not come arbitrarily from the official opposition. It comes from the premiers themselves. Paragraph 6 of the framework on the social union says the “premiers stressed that negotiations should now proceed with a view to concluding a draft agreement by the end of the year”. That is where the idea came from, not from ourselves.

I would once again invite the Liberal members opposite to reconsider our support for an earlier motion on the part of the Conservative member to extend the proposed deadline. We are not stuck. We do not want to split hairs here. We do not want this very constructive motion to be not supported because of arbitrary deadlines. We are prepared to be flexible. But at the end of the day, as the premiers indicated, we do need a deadline to ensure the government does not endlessly vacillate, prevaricate and obfuscate.

Supply December 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak to this official opposition motion put forward by my colleague from Calgary Southwest.

The motion reads as follows:

That this House urge the government to conclude an agreement with the provinces and territories, prior to December 31, 1998, and based on the unanimous resolution of the provinces as agreed to last August 7 at Saskatoon, to strengthen the partnership between the federal, provincial and territorial governments in order to secure Canada's social programs for the future.

This is a very important motion in the light of yesterday's election in Quebec. It is very important for this House to consider the issue of social union.

What we saw yesterday was Quebecers saying they are not satisfied with status quo federalism nor are they satisfied with the radical option of separation. What Quebeckers said by granting a parliamentary majority to the Parti québécois but an electoral plurality to the Parti libéral du Québec was that they do not support either the status quo or the radical option of separation.

What they said in the public opinion polls and the exit polls was that they do not support the radical option of separation but they do want change. In this desire they form common cause with most other Canadians, certainly with the representatives of the official opposition and the vast majority of those we represent in western Canada, with the various provincial governments which in August agreed on an entente to address the need for change in the federation, and apparently with all or most of the opposition parties in the Chamber.

The premiers and the governments they represented gathered together in good faith several months ago to put forward some constructive concrete proposals for the rebalancing of powers between the two levels of government. What did they receive in terms of a response from the federal government? Little or nothing. They received a duck and dodge which the provinces are all too familiar with from the government.

What does it come down to? Let us be blunt. The Liberal Party of Canada really believes its own propaganda, that it is the sole saviour of confederation, that it is the one and only political vehicle for federalism in this country.

It really is a kind of political arrogance that is endemic in the psychology of the Liberal Party of Canada. It is attached to the idea that Ottawa knows best, that top down big brother in Ottawa can unilaterally weave its way into areas of exclusive provincial jurisdiction through its spending and taxing powers, that through this enormous intervention on the part of the central government the federation can somehow be kept together.

The story of our federation in the past three decades is one of growing and almost fatal tension between the centralizing, Ottawa knows best mentality of the members opposite who I believe hold the view sincerely. There is the growing need of the provinces and regions to more ably represent their regional concerns in a more flexible federal context. This is the tension that really lies at the heart not only of the sovereignty debate in Quebec but so much of the feeling of alienation and discontent in the rest of the country.

It is very disappointing for me to pick up the newspapers today and read various quotes of members of the Liberal government saying essentially that change in the federation is a non-starter, that we are going to just set our feet into concrete and that we are not going to allow the federation to evolve into the 21st century.

In an article in today's Ottawa Citizen for instance I read a statement from the hon. member for Scarborough—Rouge River who said “I have not met an MP who is prepared to negotiate away an element of the federal government's role just so we can achieve temporary peace with the brawling provincial children. It just is not on”.

This is typical of the attitude of members opposite. Instead of a constructive, collaborative and co-operative approach, the kind of co-operative approach upon which a healthy federation must be founded, we find this kind of belligerent attitude regarding sovereign provincial governments. They are sovereign in their own jurisdiction, sovereign as defined in the original Constitution of this country in their own areas of competence.

Instead of regarding them as co-operative sovereign governments, the hon. member and many of his colleagues refer to those provinces as brawling children. He says that we just cannot negotiate a single element of what this federal government does, the government that spends $160 billion with a cabinet of 35 ministers.

This government has one of the largest cabinets probably of any federation in the world, much larger than the federation to our south, or Germany or Australia. It is a federal government that encroaches its way into virtually every area of provincial jurisdiction.

The most galling thing about it is that while these Liberals refuse to accept the kind of co-operative change proposed by the provinces, at the very same time they undercut the very authority upon which the federal government's spending power is asserted.

Look at the Canada Health Act. The only guarantee of the enforcement of federal standards in the Canada Health Act is the federal transfer, the Canada health and social transfer.

When the federal medicare system was developed 30 years ago, of course it was predicated on a commitment of 50% funding. That is the basis upon which the unilateral federal standards are imposed on the provinces. Yet today this government which prides itself on its commitment to unity and federal standards has reduced that funding share to 11%. And it still expects the provinces to accept the standards as defined by Ottawa.

What the provinces are asking for in the social union agreement of this August, what the official opposition and other parties are asking for is not unilateral imposition of federal standards but rather, co-operative national standards agreed to by all the provinces co-operatively, not by one of the governments, the central government, unilaterally. It is not a radical concept. It is a concept embraced by virtually every mature and healthy democratic federation in the world.

I appeal to my colleagues opposite to try to be a little more flexible when it comes to this.

A social union should consider collaborative approaches to the exercise of the federal spending power in provincial jurisdictions. This is very important for Quebec, as this is one of its traditional demands. Western Canada has asked for the same thing and, in this respect, it has a great deal in common with Quebec.

When the federal government spends money in provincial areas of responsibility or arbitrarily withdraws funding from a provincial jurisdiction, this may cause friction in federal-provincial relations and problems in service delivery. We need a new agreement describing how powers are shared between the federal government and the provinces. I would ask that the members of this House support this Reform motion.

In closing, much has been raised about the timing, the deadline in this motion, which was simply taken from the accord of the premiers in August. We would like to respond to the legitimate arguments raised about the deadline by members of various parties. I would like to ask for consent to move that the motion be amended by deleting the words “prior to December 31, 1998”, and substituting therefor the following: “before the next federal budget is introduced”.

Apec Inquiry November 19th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, this is getting more bizarre by the minute.

Every member of the Liberal caucus knows that the solicitor general is now going to be forced to take the fall by the Prime Minister. They all know it. They are just going through a tortuous process now.

My question is very simple. Instead of allowing the solicitor general to get away with this kind of complete violation of due process, why does the government not let the process work? Why does the government let the solicitor general get away with misleading this House, as he did, and misleading Canadians?

Apec Inquiry November 19th, 1998

I withdraw, Mr. Speaker.

I have a question for the Deputy Prime Minister. Why it is that the solicitor general when kibitzing about this on the airplane did not just tell Fred Toole to let the commission work?

Apec Inquiry November 19th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Deputy Prime Minister in his stonewalling keeps telling us to let the process work. The solicitor general whenever he has the guts to show up says let the process work.

Taxation November 18th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, if the provinces are interested it must be something like the Prime Minister's homeless friends because they do not exist. They are a figment of his imagination. I would like the minister to name one province which is committed to participating in this IRS style tax agency.

Why is the minister pressing ahead when he has been criss-crossing this country and not a single province has indicated its willingness to support this plan? The provinces in fact are going in the other direction. Why does the minister not stop, take a minute and consult with Canadians before he makes a terrible mistake in adopting an unaccountable IRS style tax agency?

Taxation November 18th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, this government's planned proposal to replace Revenue Canada with a mega tax agency is unnecessary, expensive and could become an unaccountable mess like the IRS in the United States.

I have a question for the revenue minister. If the public service hates it, if the provinces do not want it, if Canadians do not want it, why is the government imposing an American style tax collection agency on this country?

Canada Small Business Financing Act November 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in debate today on Bill C-53 with respect to Motion No. 1 which was put forward by my hon. colleague from Mercier, that the purpose of this act is to increase the availability of financing of small businesses, which would not otherwise have access to financing.

Let me make it perfectly clear at the outset what my caucus colleagues have already said. The official opposition strongly supports small business, the principal job creator and generator of economic activity in this country. There is simply no doubt about that.

I suspect that probably a majority of the members of our caucus have had direct involvement in small business or are small business people and understand the kinds of challenges that small business people face. I think it is something members of all parties in this House share. We all understand that small and medium enterprises without a doubt over the past 20 some years have been by far the major creators of jobs, prosperity and incomes.

The question we must really ask ourselves is what is the most effective policy that the government can adopt to promote the growth of small business. There are really two basic approaches that can be taken.

The first approach is for the state to intervene and to take money away from people through taxation and in so doing to destroy their profit incentive, to destroy their efficiency and to destroy the potential creation of jobs in order to finance government support schemes like the Small Business Loans Act loan guarantees. That is one approach. It is an approach which the Liberal Party, the government opposite, generally supports.

The other approach is to say that government ought not to be in the business of picking winners and losers but that business people ought to be allowed to do business without extensive interference by government by means of taxation, regulation and legislation.

That is essentially the approach that we in the official opposition support. For that reason we oppose the amendment and the bill because they go in exactly the wrong direction.

What we need rather than sarcastic comments from colleagues opposite is a vigorous policy which will unleash the unrealized dynamism of small and medium Canadian entrepreneurs. There are hundreds of thousands of jobs waiting to be created in Canada today if only federal and other levels of government would get out of the way of people who are struggling to create employment through small business but are unable to because we face some of the highest tax rates in the developed world.

We face them in payroll taxes, in capital gains taxes, business taxes and property taxes. Canada has among the highest property tax rates as a percentage of our GDP in the entire OECD. We face them in income taxes. We face them in sales taxes.

Ask small business persons in the country and they will say they have become for all intents and purposes unpaid tax collectors for the government. They have to collect the GST. They have to fill out endless forms for the same GST which the government said it would abolish.

Give them tax relief so that small business persons realize benefits after having spent their entire lives risking capital, their life savings, pouring endless and incalculable value of sweat equity into their businesses. The government at the end of the day tells them that after all they have poured into the businesses, all the jobs created, all the risks taken it will take one third or more of the capital gains of small businesses through the pernicious, destructive, job killing capital gains tax.

If the government were really concerned about creating a growth environment for small business and job growth through small businesses it would stop playing around the margins with this kind of state intervention, this kind of $1.5 billion taxpayer liability through the small business loans guarantees. It would stop bureaucrats picking who are going to be winners and losers in the marketplace and it would let entrepreneurs be entrepreneurs, invest in their businesses and reap the rewards. Imagine that.

Let me utter a word which may be unparliamentary, profit. It is a good thing. I know my colleagues opposite think it is a dirty word. They do not like the words profit driven. That sounds like an American concept. We in Canada do not like profits. We like the bureaucrats absorbing those profits because members opposite think they know better how to spend those profits accumulated through taxes than do the small business people who pay them.

This is the choice we face in the bill and in all the fiscal decisions we make here. It is whether the bureaucrats and politicians know better how to pick and choose winners and losers among the hundreds of thousands of small businesses in the country or whether consumers and business people themselves know best how to create the conditions for growth.

We say unequivocally and unapologetically that we like the profit motive. It creates wealth, businesses and jobs, and we know that the kind of tax burden imposed by these tax happy, tax and spend Liberals is exactly what destroys the conditions for growth.

I would like to speak to many of the interest groups that represent small business and various associations that appeared before committee in support of Bill C-53. Let me be honest. It is a constituency I am very sympathetic toward. Many of them appear before committee and parliamentarians and say they want tax relief but they also want all these loans, grants, guarantees and diversification programs.

My message to those advocates of small business is for them to make a choice. Do they prefer tax relief as the principal policy for small business or government intervention?

After all my experience and after having spoken with thousands of small business people, I believe that ten times out of ten the majority of small entrepreneurs will say they prefer tax relief to government intervention, the kind contemplated in this bill. There is no doubt about it. We cannot have both.

The small business community and its institutional voices need to choose which direction they want to take. The only way parliament and the government will deliver the meaningful, creative and dynamic tax relief we need is if we get government spending under control. The place to start and the first element of government spending which should be reduced or eliminated is direct government support for business, whether it is through grants or loans or guarantees. Maybe it is radical but I believe that a dollar left in the hands of a small business person is several times more effective, efficient and productive than that dollar taken away, circulated through a costly bureaucracy and spent by a bunch of politicians.

We have to look at the experience in the country to see which basic policy option works. We need to look at the experience of my home province of Alberta where we have maintained the lowest tax rates, no sales tax, the lowest small business tax rates and the lowest income taxes. We have unbelievable economic growth there. Let us cast our eyes to some of the eastern provinces where there have been very high degrees of government intervention, subsidies, loans, grants and guarantees for businesses. What we see are stagnant growth rates and high levels of unemployment.

The economic record is there for all to see. That is why I call on all my colleagues to oppose this motion and this bill.