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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was number.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Windsor—Tecumseh (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2011, with 50% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canada National Marine Conservation Areas Act May 2nd, 2001

Madam Speaker, five first nations communities addressed the environment committee over the last two days. They expressed grave concern that they had not been consulted about the species at risk legislation. To focus only on federal title is simplistic and ignores the reality of where these marine parks are. Fishing goes on in a number of these parks, by both first nations and commercial fishermen, which impacts on provincial economies. That must be taken into account.

There must be consultation. Oil and gas leases need to be negotiated with private owners. There is interest at the provincial government level in those areas. Given the size of marine parks, the importance of preserving them and their importance to the adjoining land mass, it is impossible not to consult with provincial governments and first nations.

Canada National Marine Conservation Areas Act May 2nd, 2001

Madam Speaker, there have been several instances where fish that were modified, either through breeding or genetic means, have escaped from pens into the general environment. I believe there have been three such instances around the globe. In each instance the modified fish have been more aggressive and more capable of dominating the ecosystem than naturally occurring species. The modified fish tend to reproduce very quickly and are aggressive toward other species. The end result is that they wipe out other species. This has occurred.

Imagine what would happen if a modified species got into a marine park. Destroying or damaging part of an ecosystem has a cumulative impact on the rest of the ecosystem. More than just one species of fish would be affected. A cumulative effect could spread through the ecological chain and devastate the entire park. This is a glaring omission in the bill that must be addressed.

Canada National Marine Conservation Areas Act May 2nd, 2001

Madam Speaker, I rise today on behalf of our party to indicate that, with some significant reservations, we intend to support the bill at second reading stage.

However, as happened in the last House, after committee and the refusal on the part of the government to make the necessary amendments to make the bill more meaningful, if we do not get those amendments then we will be opposing it at third reading.

By way of background, I will reflect on the need for the legislation. Canada is behind the times on having this type of legislation. We have this huge, magnificent country, surrounded on three sides by water. Unlike a number of our other allies, we do not have this type of legislation to protect our marine areas. Specifically, the United States has had legislation since, I believe, the mid-seventies. Australia and New Zealand both have had legislation for some period of time which goes a long way to protect their marine environment by creating these types of parks or conservation areas.

With regard to the environmental issues that confront us, Canada has been slow in preparing and advancing this type of legislation. It is high time that we have it. The proposed bill that is before the House today and which will eventually go to committee would empower the government to move into this area.

I want to take a moment to mention some of the areas that environmental groups in particular, and local communities, including, in some cases, provincial governments, first nations, individual local municipal governments and environmental groups, have been working on. There is a good number of these around the country and they are becoming very frustrated with the lack of involvement by the federal government in providing assistance to develop and protect these marine areas.

My friend from Nova Scotia raised the issue earlier this week or at the end of last week of the gully that is off Nova Scotia. It is a gully that is larger than the Grand Canyon but it is underwater and it is at serious risk. The oil and gas leases, which are not being exploited at this time, would create very serious damage and/or danger to the marine life and the ecosystem if they were to proceed.

A great deal of work has been done on a very large park that is being proposed called Gwaii Hanaas off the coast of British Columbia on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Some of the briefing background I have indicates that environmental groups worked very hard and for a great length of time on the particular marine park. They have done it in co-operation with and with a great deal of assistance from the oil industry that has oil and gas leases in the area.

To its credit, the industry has given up its right to those leases. Everything is ready for the area to be designated. I believe all the work was completed by 1997. They have now been waiting for over four years for the designation. Obviously it will still be some time before we get the legislation through.

There is an area in the north off Baffin Island where a significant amount of background work has been done to prepare the area to be designated and hence protected.

There has been work done in Lake Superior, in the northern part of my home province, to designate an underwater park, which would enhance some of the other work done by the provincial government to preserve underwater parks for the enjoyment of the population. All these projects are at significant risk, so the importance of moving ahead cannot be overstated.

The NDP will be supporting the legislation. Hopefully it can be moved to committee where there will be amendments to strengthen it. The importance of the legislation is that it rounds out other legislation, to which we have had some reference today by other speakers.

Certainly the Fisheries Act provides some mechanism for the government to protect marine species and ecosystems, but it is not enough. We have the terrestrial land in the form of the work Parks Canada does in its empowering legislation, but this legislation fills a gap in the jurisprudence required to cover off the need to protect these areas. I emphasize it is our responsibility to act as good stewards of the marine territory in a country the size of Canada. The legislation is lacking in that regard.

I would like to cover some of the strengths and weaknesses in the specific legislation. There is provision in the bill to provide for public consultation. That would require consultation specifically with the provinces and the first nation communities involved.

We have some serious reservations. We heard concern expressed by the previous speaker from the Bloc on whether the consultation process was broad enough, extensive enough and meaningful enough to satisfy the provinces and the first nation communities. We share that concern. In fact we feel it does not go far enough in that the bill needs to be amended and strengthened in that regard.

I will deal specifically with a number of other issues now. One is with regard to the lack of prohibition in the legislation in terms of bottom trawling. It would be very detrimental to the ecosystem in the canyon off Nova Scotia. It is deep water trawling. It would be very damaging to fish species if it were a permitted use of that area. The legislation does not deal with that, and we will seek an amendment to prohibit such commercial activity in designated marine parks.

We have a similar concern with regard to dredging and the impact it has on fauna, currents and the general ecosystem. The legislation does not prohibit dredging, deep sea or otherwise, in marine parks. We will seek to change that.

The bill is also lacking in the whole area of aquaculture. The royal society's report on genetically modified organisms warned in very strong language that genetically modified fish must absolutely not be allowed into the general fish population. The bill does nothing to address that concern. It is a serious issue because we know of instances around the world where whole fish stocks have been wiped out. One can only imagine the impact on our marine parks if genetically modified species escaped and ran wild. The bill must be amended to address that issue.

We are concerned that the bill does not make ecological integrity the primary consideration when drafting management plans. The bill's emphasis on ecosystem management is reasonably strong. It applies the precautionary principle and I applaud it in that regard. It may be the first piece of legislation in Canada to do so. That is the good part of it.

Again, however, the bill does not recognize that ecological integrity must be the primary consideration. It is a glaring omission, and the preamble and other sections must be amended accordingly.

We have other concerns which our colleagues in the Bloc have expressed. The Saguenay—St. Lawrence Marine Park is a model for co-operation among all three levels of government. The arrangement is not perfect but it has worked reasonably well. It is a model that should be incorporated into Bill C-10 and we will be pressing for that when it goes to committee.

A final point with regard to the bill is that it does not take into account terrestrial sources of pollution or other impacts that terrestrial activity could have on marine parks.

That has implications at the national, provincial and international levels. Activities may be carried on in the United States, for instance, that have a negative impact on marine parks in Canada. The legislation does not contemplate that but it should.

It will often be land based pollution that impacts on marine parks. There are all sorts of examples where this has occurred. Forestry and farming in British Columbia have affected coastal rivers and streams and led to problems with salmon stocks. The bill does not take into account that risk or the need to deal with it.

Those are all the points I will make. We will be supporting the bill at second reading with the reservations already mentioned. We hope the government will adopt the amendments. They would make the legislation more meaningful and help it achieve its aim of preserving marine parks for the Canadian population and for global use.

Supply May 1st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, that is the point. It is just starting. Why is that? Why did we follow this model? Why did we not follow the European model? That is what this government needs to answer.

Supply May 1st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I am aware of absolutely everything that the member for London—Fanshawe raised.

Let us talk about that fund for a minute. Ireland was provided with approximately $8 billion from the European Union for a population that I believe at that point was about 2.5 million people.

There is a proposal I believe to top up the fund, which my colleague from the government side talked about, to $25 billion for what would be 500 million people?

Supply May 1st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I am aware of the provisions in the side agreements for both the environment and labour standards. Let me make comments on both.

With regard to the environmental standards, it is obvious, given the full eight years that NAFTA has been in place now, that they are grossly ineffective, particularly because there are no resources of a meaningful nature for an NGO or a private citizen to take that on. It is just not possible. It is not a practical way of dealing with it.

It is obvious, from the results on the labour standards side, especially the Mexican experience, that even when large unions have attempted to use those side deals nothing has happened. In that case their government would not enforce the number of rulings that came down. They have been few and far between because they do not have the resources to effectively push the rights forward.

Supply May 1st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I want to start my comments today by welcoming this opportunity. It is a continuation of the speech I was giving yesterday on the water bill and the exposure that these types of trade agreements have meant to Canada.

The first comment I want to make is with regard to the report published in the last year and a half on the negotiations that went on around the MAI. The report I want to make specific reference to, because it seems to be very appropriate given the motion before the House today, was prepared by Madam Catherine Lalumière, who is a European member of parliament.

In her report she goes through some analysis of what happened leading up to the dismantling of the negotiations on the MAI. She credits a number of the non-governmental organizations that raised opposition to it. Of course as we all know that ultimately culminated in France withdrawing from those negotiations and the negotiations collapsing.

She has prepared a report out of that and has made a number of recommendations that I believe are very appropriate and timely for the discussion today. One of those is a blanket recommendation that says there should be no investor state claims. She analyzed what happened with NAFTA, looked at the cases that have been repeatedly mentioned today and said no to investor state claims.

The report goes on to say there should be no general treatment clause given to foreign companies so that they have an integral and constant protection. There is to be none of that. It says to impose limits on expropriation claims—so those are some of the rules the parliamentary secretary seems to be referring to—in order to prevent their use against all regulation or public legislation that reduces the economic value of economic foreign investment. The report says that effectively that is what NAFTA did. The report recommends just the opposite.

There are many more than the four recommendations I will mention, but one final one is a recommendation for continued governmental rights to establish performance requirements. By that they mean public benefits from foreign investment.

Because of my own ethnic heritage I want to talk about the European Union model and its impact on the state of Ireland. Again, that model is fundamentally and philosophically different from the free trade agreement, from NAFTA and from the FTAA, should we ever, God forbid, get to that.

I was in Ireland in the mid-nineties just as the effect of the capital transferred from the European Union was beginning to allow the economy in that country to develop. I watched as it progressed over the last half dozen years to where it has become a much more vibrant economy. However, that is an entirely different model. It allowed that country to move forward. It allowed it to in effect move from somewhere back in the twenties or thirties as far as the development of their economy was concerned into this millennium in a very short period of time. If we had applied the NAFTA rules there, none of that would have happened in Ireland, nor would it have happened in Portugal, which has had a very similar experience.

As my colleague has already mentioned, there was perhaps from the perspective of the government the unfortunate experience of someone leaving a button turned on. The international trade minister was quoted, as we have heard in some of the comments from our colleagues in the Alliance, as to how the trade agreements are the miracle solution to poverty. The trade minister was quoted as saying “It is not the market or trade per se that can eliminate inequality”.

Even the international trade minister recognizes that these treaties and agreements are not the be-all and the end-all. Again as my friend has already indicated, all we have to do is look at the Mexican experience. He was struggling at one point for the dollar figure. Let me quote it because I do have it available. Remember that NAFTA came into effect in 1993. Between 1994 and 1999 wages dropped in Mexico. The average hourly wage dropped from $2.10 an hour to $1.90 an hour. That was the experience Mexico had.

There are a number of other indicators, the maquiladoras probably being the best example, of the type of consequences of those agreements where there are no protections for labour standards, human rights or the environment, all of which are protected and guaranteed in the European Union model.

I will spend a moment on the Auto Pact. I have long time personal experience with that particular trade agreement which was done away with as a result of one of those rulings by those faceless bureaucrats who make these decisions.

If we look at that as a model, we are constantly being accused as a party and as a movement of opposing trade. Nothing is further from the truth. That agreement had the support of our party since its inception. What did it do? It allowed cities such as Windsor, London, Oshawa and a number of others to develop very vibrant economies and well-paying jobs for the labourers who worked in those plants. We did not have that as a result of the FTA or NAFTA. That was all there before.

We also constantly hear the government talk about the $1.2 billion a day of trade that goes on. A great deal of that preceded the FTA and NAFTA and was related to managed trade in the form of the Auto Pact.

I will move to some comments that have come out in the last couple of days and which cause us great concern around the issue of the use of chapter 11.

Specifically, in the Edmonton Journal this morning Mr. Bill Turner, a businessman and interestingly the natural resource advisor to the governor of New Mexico, said:

Canadians will some day consider water a prized commodity rather than a natural, protected resource. And all it will take, all it will take is court action to loosen Canada's grip on its envied supply.

If we read between the lines, he is talking about a chapter 11 application.

We will see that come unless we do something as a government and as a society to stop that. However that is what we will be faced with unless we do away with the chapter 11 type of protection for multinational corporations in the private sector.

It is very clear that the motion before the House is not a motion that opposes the liberalization of trade. It is about a policy that will require this government and future governments to protect Canadians' rights to have an economy that is not based just on profit for multinational corporations, but a society that will allow people to develop their environmental concerns, their labour standards and their human rights in a safe and protected manner.

Supply May 1st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I have a question for my friend in the Progressive Conservative Party. Several times he made reference in his address to the House that chapter 11 of NAFTA is wanting in a number of respects and needs tinkering or altering in some form.

Could he share with us what ways he sees that chapter 11, while maintaining it, could be improved to avoid the abuses that have occurred under it?

International Boundary Waters Treaty Act April 30th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, the list is fairly long and the answer must be short. The easiest answer, as I said in my response to the member from the Bloc, is that we make the wording of the legislation and the treaty so clear that they would not even think of starting a lawsuit. That is the first answer.

There are a number of other ways. The introduction of a cost disincentive is one method we have used traditionally in the court system.

The most important is who gets to make the decisions. The decisions must not be made by faceless, non-elected, non-responsible panel members. The composition of the panel would make a big difference as to whether such litigation attempts are made.

International Boundary Waters Treaty Act April 30th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I do not disagree in any way with my friend from the Bloc. The point he has made is well taken. We must not only prohibit companies from doing that. We must define what water is. It is not a commodity; it is a natural resource. We should move it to a higher level where it is a basic human right, and we should define it that way in the treaties. In all respects, no matter how broadly we looked at it, that would prevent water from ever being treated as a commodity.

It brings to mind the Sun Belt challenge we are facing in British Columbia. If water is classed as a basic human right no corporation in the world would even think of mounting such a challenge. My friend from the Bloc is correct. The wording must be strong and clear so that we never again face such a challenge.