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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was respect.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as Conservative MP for Saskatoon—Wanuskewin (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 2011, with 58% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Civil Marriage Act March 24th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, this is indeed a great privilege. I wish we were not here today having to debate what we thought was something so very obvious even just a few short years ago in terms of the definition of marriage as being that between a man and a woman. It was so basic as to not even be entered into in terms of the kind of discussion we have here today.

As many others are, I will be stating some very definitive, very profound and very far-reaching kinds of reasons for my support of that definition, because this bill means we are not just looking over the ends of our noses but down through the years ahead and beyond for the good of society. We cannot use society as a gigantic social laboratory.

First and foremost, I will be supporting traditional heterosexual marriage. As the member just inferred and as is the case with many others here, I will be supporting it for the sake of the children, because they are the most vulnerable members of society. We need to keep them uppermost in our minds as we engage in a debate like this. They need both parents, both the mom and the dad, the male and the female, the man and the woman, to care for them and to be role models for them.

The United Nations convention on the rights of the child says in article 7 that it is the right of a child “to know and be cared for by his or her parents”. In that part of the United Nations convention, article 7 is very obviously a reference to a man and a woman, a male and a female, and the normal understanding of parenting. It is the right of a child “to know and to be cared for by his or her parents”.

Neither the United Nations human rights commission nor the European convention on human rights has decreed that homosexual marriage is a human right. We need to debunk that. We need to be very emphatic in stating that it is not a human right. The supreme courts in other countries have not found it to be a human right and none of the countries that have entered into same sex marriage scenarios have. No country in the world has had the gall to say that homosexual marriage is a human right. It is in the nature of a social public policy, if one were to be honest about it, and in my view, a very bad one at that.

Only the Canadian government, only the Liberal government, has used the goofy argument that it is a human right. No one else in this world has made this kind of ridiculous assertion. However, I have digressed just a bit.

Article 3 of the same United Nations convention on the rights of the child states:

In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.

More than 10,000 studies have concluded that children's best interests are met when they are raised by loving and committed mothers and fathers, the biological parents, those who brought them into existence and into this world. One can argue about artificial insemination and assisted reproduction and so on, but it takes a man and a woman, a sperm and an egg, to bring children into being. All the studies demonstrate very clearly that a child's best interests are met when they are raised by those who have brought them into this world.

After spending 20 years researching the effects of family structure on children, University of Wisconsin professors McLanahan and Sandefur concluded in their very exhaustive work, entitled “Growing Up with a Single Parent: What are the Costs?”, that if they were asked to design a system for making sure that a child's basic needs were met, if they could draw it up from scratch and design it from a blank slate, so to speak, they would come up with the heterosexual two-parent ideal. They state:

The fact that both parents have a biological connection to the child would increase the likelihood that the parents would identify with the child and be willing to sacrifice for that child....

The child is their blood. It is their flesh. It is out of that very union. As a result, they have a greater interest, or a greater vested interest if we will, in the care and upbringing of that child.

Again we can go to the United Nations convention on the rights of the child. In article 7 it states that it is the right of a child “to know and be cared for by his or her parents”.

Dr. Margaret Somerville, professor of ethics, states:

--I believe that a child needs both a mother and a father and, unless there are good reasons to the contrary, to be raised by its own biological mother and father. We can see the deep human need to be connected to our origins through the intense desire of adopted children to find their birth parents and, more recently, those born from donated sperm or ova.

They go to great lengths to find their birth parents, or in other words, their biological parents.

Defining the institution of marriage as the union between a man and a woman is our recognition as a society of those inborn, innate needs of children and our means of trying to ensure that they are fulfilled.

According to a new report, marriage is dying in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. Noted author Stanley Kurtz reviewed trends in marriage and divorce and child rearing in those three Scandinavian states. He concluded that the institution of marriage is being abandoned in favour of cohabitation and various other diverse family forms. He said, “The rise of fragile families based on cohabitation and out of wedlock child-bearing means that during the nineties, the total rate of family dissolution in Scandinavia significantly increased”.

As out of wedlock births skyrocket and alternate family forms become normative, marriage declines steadily. Stanley Kurtz posits that these countries' acceptance of same sex marriage is perhaps the clearest symbol of the death of marriage because it serves to “reinforce the...cultural separation between marriage and parenthood”. The three nations of Denmark, Norway and Sweden legalized de facto gay marriage between 1980 and 1994. Kurtz concludes that the evidence from the Scandinavian experiment demonstrates that redefining marriage to include same sex couples definitely undermines marriage.

We must support firmly traditional and heterosexual marriage for the sake of the children, because that is the future. That is what we all are here for. It is why as a society we do all the things that we do. I guess we could say it is for the sake of the next generation, for the children in the days ahead but also for the sake of free speech.

A minister of the crown attacked churches for speaking out on the marriage bill and talked about the wonderful thing that separation of church and state is, which it is, but in baleful ignorance of where that concept even derived from. It came out of the United States of America when Thomas Jefferson was responding to individuals, Baptists at that, who were asking if the Congregationalists were going to be endorsed as the state church in the U.S.A.

Jefferson responded to them that on the federal level there would be no endorsement of the Congregationalists over any other particular church group or sect in that country. He was trying to assure them that there would not be an imposition of the state on the church. It was in no way a reference to the fact that the church or individuals in the church could not weigh in and enter into the discourse of ideas, the public square. Rather, it was a one way valve stopping the government from imposing on the individuals and upon the churches.

The minister, as a minister of the crown, showed rather a great ignorance, as do others, either wilfully or perhaps by skewing the facts to his particular intent.

The justice minister also mused about legislation that would prevent someone from out of country weighing in on this present marriage debate. Again the government is trying to stifle free speech in the present debate before us.

With the legalization of homosexual marriage it is my deep concern that every public school in the nation will be required to teach that homosexual coupling is the moral equivalent of traditional marriage between a man and a woman. We have seen it already. A good example would be the pressures being faced in your own home province, Mr. Speaker. The schools in Surrey, British Columbia were faced with that pressure in a fight that took them a long route through the courts in respect to curriculum on this very issue. The schools were forced and coerced to have textbooks in the public system depicting a man-man and woman-woman relationship as synonymous with a heterosexual marriage relationship. Stories written for children as young as elementary school and kindergarten may have to give equal space and emphasis to those particular arrangements, those homosexual couplings as equivalent to marriage. It is for that reason as well, for the sake of free speech, for the sake of freedom of religion and freedom of conscience.

Do we honestly believe as Canadians that the Liberal government will protect those rights of freedom of religion and freedom of conscience when only a few years ago the Deputy Prime Minister and the Prime Minister assured Canadians that they had no intention of changing the definition? In fact they have done that very thing. They have broken that promise. Promise made, promise broken.

I have much more to say, but I would say it is not only for the sake of freedom of religion and freedom of conscience but it is also for the sake of integrity and honesty in public figures. Members of the government, the Deputy Prime Minister in particular and others have made outrageous contradictory and hypocritical statements on the record. They have said they will protect traditional heterosexual marriages and then have reversed their positions 180° where they now say that does not matter, that was then, this is now and they are going to undermine it directly.

For those reasons, we need to affirm traditional marriage and uphold heterosexual marriage for the good of society in future years.

Civil Marriage Act March 24th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, there does not appear to be a quorum in the House.

And the count having been taken:

Petitions March 24th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, my third petition is from a number of my constituents who call upon Parliament to retain section 241 of the Criminal Code without changes in order to maintain Parliament's opposition to assisted suicide. Section 241 makes it an indictable offence to counsel a person to commit suicide and to aide or abet a person committing suicide.

The petitioners ask for the retention of section 241 of the Criminal Code.

Petitions March 24th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, my second petition is from a number of people from Prince Edward Island who call upon the government to return to the previous policy of allowing holy books to be made available to new citizens at citizenship ceremonies around the country.

Last year a citizenship judge terminated this policy alleging that the policy discriminated against non-religious immigrants. Up to last year holy books were simply displayed on tables at the back of the hall free for new citizens to take. The new citizens were not handed the books and they were not forced on them. The judge produced no evidence to justify his inappropriate decision to ban the availability of holy books at citizenship ceremonies.

The petitioners ask for the citizenship commission to return to the previous policy which has served our multicultural nation so very well.

Petitions March 24th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, my first petition is from a number of Canadians who call upon Parliament to support the traditional historic definition of marriage. I have tabled numerous petitions on this issue in recent months.

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member, a good friend and colleague, for that good question. He comes from a part of our province where there is a lot of natural resource. As one representing very well the constituents of that vast riding up through the Churchill and so on, the gentleman knows the issue well and the negative effect that it can have.

The member has rightly said that all members on a non-partisan basis are on side, except for a Liberal provincial leader who has actually gone off in a different and strange direction on this one. However, the member's point stands because that person is not an elected member and probably never will be with the kind of attitude he has particularly on this issue.

The member is quite correct that we need it for fairness in our province. We need it in particular for the north and his riding, which has more or less had the resources raped out of it all these years with no particular benefit to the aboriginal people that he represents very well in his vast constituency.

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, that is certainly important. It verges on the issue today insofar as it is an issue of equalization with some equality in terms of choices.

Too many governments get into that habit. Certainly at the federal level the Liberals do it all the time. I would agree with my colleague.

As a party we have made the plain and clear statement that we would allow people to make the choice. A husband and wife could make the choice, whether it be institutional day care, or perhaps one of the spouses who does not have a full time job, or an aunt, a grandparent, a relative. They could make their own arrangements. This would provide real equality.

Certainly in that area rather than the government dipping in, there are things we could do by way of the tax code in terms of rebates and those types of things so that parents could make their own choices. We would insist upon that. In this way again it is equality and fairness because individuals make the choices.

With a province, if it has the proper revenues, instead of those being siphoned and sucked up by the federal government, the province could make the proper choices since it is closer to the people. That level of government can follow the needs in its particular situation in a way that better serves the people in that province.

Supply March 22nd, 2005

Mr. Speaker, it was good to see my colleague, the hon. member for Saskatoon—Humboldt, had such a thorough speech that it answered all the critics' questions. Nothing can be called into question by virtue of what we are pushing for today.

I want to read the motion for the benefit of all of us and for crowds and friends who watch with great interest the debate today in respect to all provinces, but particularly to certain provinces including the province of Saskatchewan.

The votable supply day motion put forward by the Conservative Party member for Regina—Lumsden—Lake Centre states:

That the House call upon the government to immediately extend the expanded benefits of the recent Atlantic Accord to all of the provinces since the existing equalization claw-back on non-renewable resource revenues severely curtails the future prosperity of Canada by punishing the regions where the economy is built on a non-renewable resource base.

We want to do more value added, more industrial kinds of things in my part of the country. Since the west came into the Confederation, natural resources has been a big part in those provinces, Saskatchewan in particular.

Something we need to understand is the background, and it has been stated numerous times. For the sake of those tuning in at this point in the day, the Atlantic accord is the background of what we are looking for in terms of a fair deal for other provinces in the federation.

In the recently struck Atlantic accord, Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia have received a pledge in respect to 100% protection from equalization clawbacks for the next eight years ahead, as long as the provinces receive equalization payments. The deal for these provinces is extended for an additional eight years as long as they do not become a have province. I am sure they want to achieve that, as do most jurisdictions across the country, but until such time it is extended as long as their per capita net debt does not become lower than the other four provinces.

The federal government will immediately provide an upfront payment to those provinces based on the estimated benefits of the agreement between now and 2012. Newfoundland and Labrador will receive an upfront payment of $2 billion and Nova Scotia will receive $830 million. My colleague, the member for Battlefords—Lloydminster, mentioned earlier in the day that the Premier Hamm from Nova Scotia has been urging our caucus to get that money flowing, to get the cheque cut so the province can begin to use it for the benefit of the province.

This is not something just unique to the Conservative Party, but we believe there is a tremendous flaw in the current equalization formula. By signing this deal, the Prime Minister has pretty much acknowledged that the formula was flawed.

The Conservative Party of Canada agrees. On behalf of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador. we pressed the case in the House that they deserved to keep their offshore oil and gas. However, what is fair for these provinces is also fair for the rest of Canada. We sometimes say what is good for the goose is good for the gander. In this case, because it is taking into account Newfoundland and Labrador, we also say what is good for the gander is good for the goose. If it gets that kind of deal in Gander, Newfoundland, we should get it in Saskatchewan as well as in other western provinces.

It is estimated that Saskatchewan, had it received that same deal a decade ago, would have received an additional $8 billion for the province from non-renewable resource revenues. That is a significant amount of money. If it had been used and invested in our province over time in a wise way by a non-socialistic government, it could have accrued much more benefit to the citizens of the province of Saskatchewan. If a government had been in place and had squandered the money on socialistic schemes, maybe it would not have been so far ahead. We believe the money rightly and properly used could have been of great benefit to the province of Saskatchewan, an additional $4 billion from oil and gas revenues alone.

For much of the past decade the Liberal government was clawing back Saskatchewan's oil and gas revenues at a rate exceeding 100%, 112% and 103%, but well beyond any benefit we get at the 100% level being clawed back from us. We think that is consummately unfair.

The Minister of Finance who is supposed to be going to bat to protect and look after the interests of our province has not done that. He said that he provided an extra $710 million in equalization for Saskatchewan, but the number is very misleading. If we do the math, of the $710 million the Liberals will claw back $223 million in equalization adjustments, so-called euphemistically. Also $120 million of this money was really to address some past equalization inequities or problems in terms of the math. Because we were in a shortfall, that rightly should come our way and it had nothing to do with the other irregularities. As a result Saskatchewan has a net benefit of about $367 million out of that scenario.

The minister can make the point all he wants of his generosity and helpfulness to the province but the math belies that and the numbers are not really what he provides to us today.

In regard to equalization, Saskatchewan is being treated very unfairly. For example, the provincial entitlement this year for Saskatchewan will be just $82 million. By contrast, Manitoba will receive $1.6 billion and Quebec will receive $4.8 billion. For a province like Saskatchewan just barely having come out of the have not category, we think that is very unfair. There needs to be a serious look at it and an adjustment. Non-renewable resources must no longer be clawed back in the formula for Saskatchewan and other provinces that face a similar situation.

The current Prime Minister and the finance minister made the point prior to and during the last election that they would address western alienation, but as we said in the theme of our Conservative convention last week, promises made, promises broken. They have not addressed western alienation. They just heap more of that upon us and they have driven people further away.

By not providing a fair deal for Saskatchewan, the Prime Minister and the Minister of Finance have turned their backs on our province. We need a change of government at this level. We need some very rigorous advocacy at the provincial level in Saskatchewan by the premier and the leader of the opposition, Mr. Brad Wall, in terms of putting forward a strong case. We assist in our way in the House, even on a supply day like this, to make the point as we did, by standing shoulder to shoulder with Newfoundland and Labrador, and Nova Scotia. We believe we got a raw deal as did they, and there should be an adjustment such that there is no longer the clawback on the non-renewable resources.

With that, I rest my case. Certainly a Conservative government would do much better with respect to Saskatchewan and other provinces which this pertains to, such that we get equity, fairness, and a true and proper way to address equalization across our vast country. We ask for the support of other members across the way. We would hope that the Liberals would find it in their hearts to do the right thing, to do the fair thing for the west and other provinces where this is a big issue. We want fairness. We simply insist on that for our province and look for that at some point in the days ahead.

Canadian Livestock Industry March 8th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, the loan loss reserve program that the member referred to earlier in his speech was supposed to help stimulate further slaughter capacity in Canada. The minister has been in the hot seat in respect of that. The Canadian Bankers Association was before the committee and testified that that $66 million program does not even exist. What a tragedy and travesty to desperate livestock producers.

I ask the member, after having announced in the budget the $17 million and some to this fabled non-existent program, redirected to it so to speak, why is the minister simply offering would-be slaughterhouse investors the sleeves off his vest? Why is the minister doing that with such mockery to producers across our country?

Child Care February 25th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, in a recent Vanier Institute study, day care centres rank a distant fifth when Canadians are asked who they would prefer to care for their preschool children. A parent, grandparent, another relative and home day care all ranked higher. Even in Quebec, which has a day care program of the kind that the Liberals plan to introduce, most parents would prefer to have children cared for by a relative.

Conservative Party policy would allow parents to make their own child care choices. Why do the Liberals continue to promote a plan that discriminates against the preferred choices of 75% of Canadian parents?