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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was asbestos.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Winnipeg Centre (Manitoba)

Lost his last election, in 2015, with 28% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Petitions April 22nd, 2002

Madam Speaker, I am proud to put forward a substantial petition signed by thousands of first nations citizens in the province of Manitoba.

These citizens reject the government's first nations governance initiative as put forward by the minister of Indian affairs. They suspect it to be nothing more than a thinly veiled attempt to diminish or even extinguish their treaty rights.

The petitioners point out further that the consultation process that is going on with the first nations governance initiative is nothing more than a sham. They do not believe it meets the legal test of what broad consultation should really be. They argue that they will submit more signatures of citizens than the minister actually managed to reach in his consultation process.

Income Tax Act April 22nd, 2002

moved for leave to introduce Bill 447, an act to amend the Income Tax Act

Madam Speaker, the bill seeks to amend the Income Tax Act to disallow the fact that currently fines and levies on businesses are tax deductible.

The bill finds its origin in the supreme court ruling that allowed that fines, penalties and levies that businesses incur were tax deductible as long as the business received the fine in the operation of its business and in searching to make an income.

Most Canadians would agree that I do not think parliament ever intended to allow this particular situation. The penalty would undermine the detrimental value of the fine if it were allowed as a tax deduction. I cannot deduct my parking tickets from my income taxes. We do not believe that a business should be able to deduct any kind of a fine or penalty from its taxes either.

I hope that the bill finds broad support among members of the House.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Government Contracts April 22nd, 2002

Mr. Speaker, Arthur Andersen Inc. has been fired by Ford Motor Company, FedEx and the U.S. government but incredibly it is still good enough for the Bank of Canada. In fact it has been appointed by the federal cabinet on a recommendation by the finance minister until the year 2005.

In light of what we now know about Andersen and its involvement in the Enron scandal, will the government follow suit with dozens of other corporate and government clients and dismiss Arthur Andersen Inc. from any Government of Canada contracts?

Taxation April 22nd, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I cannot deduct my traffic tickets from my income tax yet a recent court ruling says that businesses can deduct fines, penalties and levies as a legitimate business expense. I find this outrageous.

Will the Minister of National Revenue agree that it undermines the deterrent value of a fine if a company can write it off as a tax deduction? Will she agree to have her department study this issue and bring forward amendments to the act so that fines and penalties that are imposed by law on a company are not allowed as legitimate tax deductions? Will she make that commitment today?

Payment Clearing and Settlement Act April 19th, 2002

Madam Speaker, I too am pleased to have the opportunity to join in the debate on Bill S-40, an act to amend the Payment Clearing and Settlement Act.

I will start by saying there is not much in the world I know less about than the clearing of derivatives, et cetera. However I undertook to learn a bit about it so I could convey my party's opinion and the recommendations of our critic. I found it quite fascinating. It is an area of study I have never expressed an interest in or spent a lot of time on but I found it gripping.

I can tell from some of the speeches given today that some people view this as a rather dry issue. I do not. Even as a layperson in the financial market sector I sense there is a crisis of confidence in the financial community on Bay Street, on Wall Street and among major institutional investors. Bill S-40 is one step that may re-instill at least some semblance of confidence because it deals with making sure investments enjoy a greater degree of security.

The bill seeks to amend the Payment Clearing and Settlement Act to permit securities and derivatives clearing houses to realize the collateral of members, for example deposits for commodities, securities, or currency contracts in the event of bankruptcy or insolvency. This would give a measure of added confidence to the sector.

Bill S-40 had its genesis in extensive consultations with officials from clearing houses and from the stock exchange in Montreal. The finance critics of all opposition parties had broad consultation and were allowed input at the early stages. This may explain why we are seeing a great deal of co-operation in putting the bill through.

Bill S-40 is a technical bill with only one clause. It is short and to the point. It was expedited through the Senate in only two weeks. The committee stage lasted only an hour. Clearly there was broad consensus that it was a necessary and desirable thing to implement.

Canadian securities and derivatives clearing houses enable consumers and businesses to buy and sell securities and derivatives in a timely manner and at a reasonable cost. They do this by providing clearing and settlement services and acting as a central counter party to securities and derivatives trades. This is what our research revealed.

Although the NDP generally and I personally do not have a lot of use for unfettered speculation and are no great friends of derivatives, in researching the issue we have come to learn that there are good and bad derivatives. Our criticism of the speculative derivative market is therefore only valid in a certain sense.

There are good and bad derivatives. Good derivatives help hedge corporate treasuries against risk such as price changes and currency fluctuation risks. There is a role for such derivatives in helping corporations hedge risk with their investments.

Bad derivatives, the ones we are critical of, are about gambling. They are about rolling the dice with people's money. They are about casino capitalism. Speculative derivatives allow corporate or individual gamblers to make bets on the future price of underlying assets by betting a fraction of the cost of an asset. The leverage comes about because the derivative instrument replicates the borrowing or lending of the underlying asset.

This is what I have found although I had to read it a couple of times to get the gist of it. The opportunity for leverage comes about because the derivative instrument involved replicates the borrowing or lending of the underlying asset without ever having to physically own it.

This is an abstract concept a lot of lay people and ordinary Canadians would not necessarily know. However they had better get to know it because it is an unbelievably exploding market. A lot of people's pension dollars may be invested without their knowledge. Money managers who handle employee benefit plans and investments are surely dealing with some of these issues. We should know about it.

I will give members an illustration of the explosion of the derivatives market. Some $64 trillion was traded in derivatives in 1995. In 1997 the figure was $360 trillion. Today more than $1,000 trillion is invested in the derivatives market. Surely we need to take great interest if that is the direction in which the investment marketplace is going.

We view this as a negative. We do not believe such massive investment marketplace can be regulated in an adequate way. As members might expect, the scope and magnitude of the investment marketplace causes major regulatory problems. It is a moving target. Anything growing and expanding at that rate is difficult to nail down. The bigger the corporation the less transparency and accountability. That is what has led to the crisis of confidence in the investment marketplace. It is because of the massive losses of companies like Enron. We have all heard of Merrill Lynch. Merrill Lynch is being charged by the New York state attorney general for biased research. It is causing a crisis of confidence in the whole financial sector.

As we are dealing with this or trying to get our minds around what $1,000 trillion worth of activity and derivatives speculation looks like we must also try to get our minds around how to safeguard those involved in the massive free for all gambling in the derivatives speculation marketplace.

There are major regulatory problems. The Enron fiasco is only the tip of the iceberg. It was partly due to the fact that derivatives transactions were booked between private parties rather than a public, transparent and fully regulated clearing house system. The failure of auditors and their lack of independence was a contributing factor but the real root of the problem can be traced to the fact that derivatives transactions were booked through private parties rather than a public, transparent and fully regulated clearing system. Anything we can do to alleviate the problem would surely would give comfort to those involved in the financial sector.

A massively leveraged hedge fund was held by Long Term Capital Management fund or LTCM. I am sure most people are familiar with it. It showed up in the news. LTCM had a substantial amount of the world's economy hedged on the future narrowing of interest spreads by the U.S. treasury. It rolled the dice based on the future of narrowing of interest spreads in the U.S.

By mid-1998 LTCM had about $4 billion in equity capital and borrowed funds of about $120 billion, a hefty leverage of about 30 times. Red lights should be going off all over the place when a company is leveraged at 30 times, with $4 billion in equity capital and $120 billion borrowed on something as speculative as the spread between real interest rates. It is a recipe for disaster. Amazingly, the leverage was compounded tenfold by LTCM's off balance sheet derivatives exposures which amounted to another trillion dollars.

These are the stakes the big guys play with. With $4 billion in equity capital LTCM borrowed funds of about $120 billion for a leverage of 30 times. It compounded that tenfold with off balance sheet derivatives exposures that amounted to more than $1 trillion. It is like Rumplestiltskin spinning straw into gold when a company takes $4 billion and spins it into a trillion dollars. It is incomprehensible to little people like us.

A consortium of private banks led by the federal reserve in New York had to bail out LTCM. Fortunately no public sector money was involved, but it goes down in history as one of the biggest runaway freight train catastrophes in financial sector history. The truth of the matter is that we really do not know the long term consequences of what I call derivatives wizardry. We do not know what the real implications are for the real economy. What does it mean to real people? These guys are playing for big stakes in casino style capitalism. They are rolling the dice in this derivatives market and I think they are putting us all at risk.

Frankly, the real losers at Enron were not even the investors and the shareholders but the ordinary Americans who, with confidence, had their pension funds invested in that company on their behalf by money managers. They believed the auditors' accounts. They had no reason not to believe them. They trusted this institution of American capitalism. They thought that a company that big was beyond corruption. People think surely to God a company that big is regulated carefully and analyzed by the government and surely to God somebody is in our corner in that marketplace. It turns out that was not true. Tragically there were snakes at the top who were doing terrible things to thousands and thousands of Americans, because a lot of them have personally directed pension funds, like the Alliance has always advocated. The Alliance wants pension plans to be private, individual accounts that are invested on people's behalf. In this case, people's privately invested accounts disappeared and they lost their retirement security.

The step we are taking today in Bill S-40 is a step in the right direction to help alleviate some of those concerns and some of those fears. Our critic, the member for Regina--Qu'Appelle, who actually knows something about this kind of thing, recommends that we support Bill S-40. He points out some of the positives of Bill S-40, stating that it:

Enhances the stability of the financial system by enabling a securities and derivatives clearing house to immediately realize assets pledged as collateral in the case of default or bankruptcy.

I note as well that the bill will have primacy over the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act. In the case of a clearing house being involved, this amendment to the bill will now have primacy over the terms and conditions and the order of disbursement of assets under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act.

What is good about this change in Bill S-40 is that it guarantees a swift payment of collateral to those clearing houses and ultimately it protects the stability of the system. That is what we are trying to do: restore people's faith in the integrity of the system. Frankly, that faith is wounded. It is damaged, it really is, and that is not good. We live in a system that relies very much on confidence in the system to promote investment. Bill S-40 achieves this by taking a shortcut to override the other bankruptcy legislation, as I have pointed out. It will have primacy over the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act.

The mainstream argument in favour of Bill S-40 is that the legislation puts Canada on a level playing field with the U.S. and Europe and increases our financial competitiveness and Canada's ability to attract capital. That point has been made adequately by most who have spoken to the bill.

A main beneficiary of the bill would be the Montreal Stock Exchange, which also clears derivatives transactions for the Winnipeg Commodity Exchange in my riding of Winnipeg Centre. The Montreal Stock Exchange also specializes in futures.

We normally do not support legislation originating from the other place, but because this is a purely technical bill I think maybe it is a good idea to waste the time of the Senate instead of wasting the time of the House of Commons, so we can in fact approve of the bill coming forward through this method.

I will replay some of the key things. I caution members of the House. The truth of the matter is that we really do not know the long term consequences of derivatives wizardry. We are still critical of what we call the bad derivatives, because it is a rolling of the dice. It is gambling with futures and it is gambling with the confidence of the investment community, with the real implications for the real economy. Are we playing sorcerer's apprentice with the system?

Financial deregulation has expanded the investment horizon of private investors but has also created new systemic risks without really improving access to affordable capital and loans, which is one of the critical requirements for a moving economy. The increasing poverty of so-called emerging countries is an obvious case in point. The disciplining effects of markets adjusting to speculative derivative bursts contribute to endemic deflation, which, I would caution again, hurts the weakest and most vulnerable of countries, especially developing third world nations.

What is key in this debate? We believe that in order to restore confidence in the mainstream investment marketplace it is necessary to obtain a regulatory environment that would mandate transparent, standardized and strictly regulated off balance sheet items such as derivatives. We want to see this regulated for our own protection, not so that the heavy-handed estate interferes with the marketplace but for own protection. All derivative products should fall under that same regulation.

I note that when we dig a little deeper into the details around this amendment to the Payment Clearing and Settlement Act, Bill S-40, what it does is provide the Canadian securities and derivatives clearing houses with legal protections similar to those in place in the United States and other G-7 countries in the event that one of their members becomes insolvent or declares bankruptcy. There is a remedy put in place that is above and beyond the courts. It saves the lineup for who will divide up the assets of an insolvent company.

With over 190 member firms, the Canadian securities and derivatives industry is a key and vital player in Canada's financial system. The industry provides a mechanism for raising capital, channeling savings into investments and minimizing and hedging risks through these derivatives contracts. To explain the network throughout Canada, the three clearing houses, the Canadian Derivatives Clearing Corporation, the Canadian Depository for Securities and the WCE Clearing Corporation, clear and settle trades on four different exchanges, these being the Toronto Stock Exchange, the Bourse de Montreal, the Canadian Venture Exchange in Calgary and the Winnipeg Commodity Exchange.

As a central counter party, they assume settlement risks, that is, the risk that a member may default before a transaction is settled, which would result in a financial loss to both the clearing house and its members. Because of this, securities and derivatives clearing houses have risk reducing measures that require members to post collateral and net their obligations with the clearing house.

The Canadian securities and derivatives industry is in need of a competitive legal regime that lowers settlement risks for the clearing houses, and we support that point of view, and therefore lowers trading costs. We support that as well. This will make these clearing houses more efficient and competitive with the United States and other G-7 countries.

We are satisfied that the amendments in Bill S-40 accomplish this by expanding the scope of the Payment Clearing and Settlement Act to include legal protection for these securities and derivatives clearing houses of their netting agreements and collateral posted by their members. I would note that the protections being sought are above and beyond the current bankruptcy and insolvency laws.

Before closing I should mention that the changes in the bill are in line with recommendations made by the Bank for International Settlements, which is an international forum that fosters co-operation among central banks and other agencies in the pursuit of monetary and financial stability. The BIS supports a well founded legal basis for securities settlements so that rules and procedures can be enforced with a high degree of certainty. In particular, the BIS favours the enforceability of netting arrangements and the ability to realize assets pledged as collateral.

We believe that the amendments to Bill S-40 will help to ensure that Canada's financial sector remains efficient and competitive.

Petitions April 19th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I am very proud to rise to present a substantial petition signed by thousands of first nations citizens in the province of Manitoba.

The signators reject the minister of Indian affairs' first nations governance initiative. They allege that it is nothing more than a repeat of the 1969 white paper. They point out that the consultation process that went with the bill was a sham and was completely inadequate.

Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Torture April 18th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I am happy to have the opportunity to enter into the debate on Motion No. 432. I will begin, as have my colleagues, by complimenting the hon. member for Rosemont--Petite-Patrie for bringing the issue forward.

This is an issue that needs to be talked about in a global context but is often buried just beneath the surface. It is an issue many of us would like to believe is not a prominent problem in the world today, but much of what we have heard today would tell us otherwise. Much of what we have heard today would tell us it is a widespread problem in many parts of the world. As a country of wealth and privilege with an international reputation for fairness we in Canada have an obligation to use our influence to do all we can beyond our borders to reign in this terrible social ill.

The Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Torture was introduced in 1985. It has been ratified by a number of member countries of the Organization of American States. The interesting thing is that it was introduced in Cartagena, Colombia and is often referred to as the Cartagena convention.

To demonstrate how necessary this international instrument is I will point out that since 1985 in Colombia over 3,500 trade unionists have been tortured, murdered, kidnapped or have disappeared. Last year alone over 160 trade unionists were assassinated. When their bodies are recovered there is almost invariably evidence of terrible torture. Many of them are women.

Much of the abuse stems not from any strike, job action or inconvenience to the employer. These people are kidnapped, tortured and murdered for the simple reason that they hold a political point of view, call themselves trade unionists and seek to elevate the standard of living of the people they represent. It is a cruel irony that the Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Torture was introduced and tabled in Cartagena, Colombia, a graphic example of how widespread the problem is in many parts of the world.

If for no other reason than the fact that we recently became a member of the Organization of American States, it is incumbent on Canada to lead by example. By ratifying the convention we would be announcing our support for the people being abused in Colombia and places like Guatemala and Haiti where trade unionists also are being attacked. Some 209 trade unionists were killed or went missing in October, 2001 in Guatemala and Haiti. It is open season to try to eradicate the trade union movement in that part of the world. This is orchestrated by the state on behalf of companies that want to establish themselves in those countries but do not want the inconvenience of free collective bargaining or a trade union movement.

I will speak more to the convention but I will first pay tribute to one individual and outline one tragic example. Francisco Eladio Sierra Vasquez, president of the public service union in Antioquia, Andes branch, was assassinated when he attended a trade union meeting which was called by the paramilitaries at gunpoint. The paramilitaries ordered the meeting to take place, ordered Vasquez to speak to the meeting and shot him right there.

These acts are common. This was last year. This is not some history book story. We have examples. These people have names. The practice is widespread. It warrants debate in the House and the attention of the Government of Canada.

The argument made by the hon. member from the Canadian Alliance was a spurious one. He either did not read his notes or did not read the preamble to the convention. There is a paragraph in the convention that specifically deals with prison guards or police who in the ordinary course of their duties may have to use violence in a legal manner. The concept of torture does not include physical or mental pain or suffering that is solely the consequence of lawful measures. These protections are built into the convention and would be demanded by any of the nation states that have ratified it.

The convention has been ratified by Argentina Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador and, ironically, Colombia. Canada should be among the nation states that willingly indicate to the world they will no longer tolerate the practice of torture.

The argument of the hon. member from the Canadian Alliance regarding the definition of torture was weak. The definition of torture does not contradict that of the United Nations convention on torture. One complements the other. We found no reason not to ratify the UN convention on torture when we became a member of the United Nations. Some conventions we ratify and some we do not. There are many conventions we have not ratified in the United Nations, but we did ratify this one. We recently joined the OAS. Canada is now a member of the Organization of American States. It is fitting and appropriate that we follow suit and ratify this convention as we did with the United Nations convention.

Some points have been raised that we do not have time to go into in great detail. However the convention outlines the definition of torture in easy to understand terms. It talks about who could be arrested, charged or found guilty of torture. Guilt would go beyond the public servants who undertake state sanctioned torture to the people who order it.

There is a third element of the Canadian Alliance argument I find fault with. The hon. member was worried about the cost factor the convention would have in Canada. The hon. member does not get it. This is not about Canada. Torture is illegal in Canada. We have laws to protect Canada. We are talking about an international declaration to stamp out the practice of state sanctioned torture. It would not be a cost factor to our country at all.

Conventions are statements of principle. They are an opportunity to tell the world about our values. We recently ratified a convention to eliminate the worst forms of child labour at a United Nations ILO convention. If we follow the Alliance member's argument, this would have been a big cost factor as well. He would say we could not afford the police and courts it would take to implement and enforce such a convention.

We are not talking about Canada. We do not ratify these conventions to elevate standards here so much as in the rest of the world. We want to send a message to the world that these are the things we stand for. We can use our place of privilege and international reputation to demonstrate some of our values to other countries.

I will close by again complimenting the hon. member for Rosemont--Petite-Patrie for giving us an opportunity to debate a point of true international interest and value. I support the idea. I hope the government has taken note of the points we have been making. I strongly encourage the government to ratify the convention at its earliest convenience.

Finance April 16th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, institutional investors, such as the carpenters union, are increasingly concerned about the independence of financial auditors in Canada. In light of the Enron scandal, they believe that an auditor's independence could be compromised if they are selling other non-audit services to the same company. The retirement security of millions of Canadians could depend on the integrity of auditor independence.

Will the Minister of Finance agree that this practice poses a potential risk to investors? Will he commit today to investigate the matter and bring forth legislation that would disqualify auditors if they are providing other non-audit services to the same company?

Physical Activity and Sport Act April 15th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member for Palliser is a former sports journalist and has been following sports for many years when he was a newspaper writer following national hockey and so on. Along the same vein as the points he was making, I wonder if he would comment on an issue from my riding in Winnipeg, something we gave a lot of thought to?

The point I raise is the general public's view of professional sports. He refers to the sports elite, the sports industry and the lack of attention to the development of amateur sport. When we lost our Winnipeg Jets hockey team in Winnipeg the public was so horrified at the prospect of losing the team that it agreed to take an equity position in the team and subsidize the losses of the team so it would stay in Winnipeg.

People were very emotional. We had a rally at the corner of Portage and Main with 10,000 people. Eight year old children brought their piggy banks and gave them to the owner Barry Shenkarow asking him to save the Jets and saying that they would do anything and pay anything.

The public picked up the losses. The first year was not bad, we lost $2 million and we could kind of justify shelling out $2 million from the public purse to keep the economy of the Winnipeg Jets in Winnipeg. The next year we lost $14 million. That was getting a little stiff. The next year the Winnipeg Jets lost $32 million. Here we were closing down inner city hockey rinks and wading pools for children to play and be active in because we could not afford them, yet we could afford to subsidize millionaire hockey players with the Winnipeg Jets.

Would the hon. member see the parallel that I am drawing here? There is too much attention toward the elite of sport and not enough attention toward the real issue of getting young people active and encouraging a new generation of kids into sports.

Petitions April 15th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I am very proud to rise today to present a substantial petition signed by thousands of first nations citizens in the province of Manitoba.

These signators reject the first nations governance initiative as proposed by the minister of Indian affairs and they point out that they suspect it to be nothing more than a thinly veiled effort to diminish or even do away with their treaty rights and inherent rights.

They point out further that the minister's so-called consultation process has been unsatisfactory. They urge all members of parliament to scrap the first nations governance agreement and replace it with something mutually acceptable that would actually address the many pressing and urgent issues facing first nations peoples and communities today.