House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was asbestos.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Winnipeg Centre (Manitoba)

Lost his last election, in 2015, with 28% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply February 15th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, the minister made a very fine speech but she did not address the key message in the opposition day motion of the Bloc Quebecois which was demanding to see the actual text that is being negotiated on our behalf.

The crux of the matter is that negotiations are taking place behind closed doors. We have some assurances that certain things are not being negotiated but, frankly, we do not have a very good record to draw from in previous negotiations.

I will give one example. Most Canadians are reeling with shock and horror over spiralling home heating costs right now. When they go to their government and ask for some kind of relief, some kind of preferential pricing, the government tells them that it is sorry but it cannot do anything because it traded everything away in the last round of bargaining in the NAFTA agreement.

We traded away our economic sovereignty, which is what Canadians are afraid will happen again. What are we trading away this time? What is going on behind closed doors? Why can we not see the text of the document so that we could put people's minds at ease?

If in fact what the minister said is absolutely true, that Canada would never trade away certain things because we just would not do that, why did we willingly trade away our economic sovereignty in the area of energy pricing? There is a recent tangible experience that is still very bitter in the mouths of Canadians, especially now as they are opening their energy bills for their home heating oil.

Would the hon. minister explain the reluctance on her government's part to release the actual text of the negotiations so that the minds of Canadians can be put at ease.

Youth Criminal Justice Act February 14th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for Vancouver Quadra for an interesting speech. If that was his maiden speech then I welcome him to the House and congratulate him. His reputation certainly precedes him. I am sure he will make a valuable contribution, especially in justice matters.

I was very pleased to hear him raise the issue of the overrepresentation of aboriginal people and aboriginal youth in the criminal justice system. In the riding of Winnipeg Centre this is a big issue. We have a great deal of what is called the youth gang problem. For any number of socioeconomic reasons we have a lot more people involved in that than other areas do.

The hon. member also mentioned aboriginal overrepresentation in the prisons. I was just reading in a book last night that at certain points in the last 15 or 20 years, in two of the women's prisons other than Kingston the aboriginal population was at 100%. Those places were full of aboriginal people.

The hon. member mentioned the Berger report. I am sure he has read the aboriginal justice inquiry from Manitoba. Could he tell us if he is satisfied that this bill incorporates the recommendations or the better qualities of those two reports in tone or in content?

Financial Consumer Agency Of Canada Act February 12th, 2001

Madam Speaker, it was kind of a non-question. I did take the hon. member's first questions very seriously but could not answer them with specific numbers. I do not think anyone in the House of Commons today could.

What we know is what Canadians are telling us. They sense that the profits are not going into the community, that the profits are sometimes leaving the country.

I have heard the argument on the other side that we all enjoy the benefits when the banks make money because we are all shareholders in the banks and that even if we are not personally shareholders, maybe the pension plan that we belong to with our union invests in bank stock, so we want them to flourish and prosper.

However, we also want something to go directly into the community. That is not an unreasonable request. When the banks are enjoying record profits quarter after quarter and do nothing about their service charges and the increase in fees, with an increase of up to 150% in recent years, it is no wonder they are making a profit. It is not unlike the Liberal government's EI system, whereby if government takes in more money than it gives out obviously there will be some left over. We want a tangible return to Canadians, a real hard return, one that benefits the community and not just the shareholders.

Financial Consumer Agency Of Canada Act February 12th, 2001

Madam Speaker, the hon. member for Winnipeg North Centre asked me the number of bank closures in my riding in the past seven years. I can give her the number since I was elected in 1997. Twelve branches have closed in my riding alone during that period. It is an epidemic. It is an absolute flight of capital from the inner city, or at least the presence of bank branches.

The hon. member also asked what we would have liked to have seen in the legislation that might have mandated some accountability or some reinvestment in the community from the banks that have been allowed to prosper under their exclusive privileges. There were repeated calls at the committee stage throughout the development of Bill C-38 to put it in language similar to the community reinvestment act of the United States.

The United States is the ultimate free market country. Nobody is saying that the community reinvestment act somehow gets in the way of the free movement of capital. It is a sensible restriction on banks. Yes, they can make profits and yes, they can prosper and flourish, but some designated amount must be reinvested into the community that gave them the profits they enjoy.

It would not have been difficult to do this. It is a huge shortcoming in the bill and a missed opportunity for us to be advocates and champions for Canadians instead of being champions for the big banks.

I use the term corporate shill. Are we shilling for the banks with this legislation? Is that what we are really doing, or are we standing up on our hind legs and advocating on behalf of Canadians?

Financial Consumer Agency Of Canada Act February 12th, 2001

Madam Speaker, I was a proxy shareholder at the shareholders' meeting. I do not have access to all the inside information that the banks might circulate on what their total revenue is or on the amount that they spend in the community. What I am sharing with the House is the frustration that Canadians feel over what they see to be a lack of services to the community and a lack of reinvestment in the community.

I can give graphic case by case examples of small businesses that could expand in my riding if it were not for lack of access to venture capital. They could expand and grow and hire more people if they had better accessibility to capital. The banks are turning them down. The feeling is that if they cannot prove they do not need the money, the banks will not give it to them. In other words, if they need it they will not get it. If they do not need it, the banks will give them all they want.

I do not know if the intention of the member's questions is to act as some corporate shill for the banks. I do not think the banks need his help to defend themselves. They spend millions and millions every year running ads on TV trying to paint themselves as warm, fuzzy parts of the community.

Both the member who asked the question and I know that nothing could be further from the truth. Most of their profits are generated from their corporate and offshore accounts. I attended two shareholder meetings and learned that over 50% of their revenue was actually from their offshore activity.

There is very little money to be made in handling either ma and pa's bank account or the $50,000 mortgage for some newlywed in my riding. There is no money in that, and they would just as soon get out of it and pass it over to the credit unions.

If that is their attitude, why are they being rewarded, every time we turn around, with exclusive rights to the financial transactions I mentioned or with another drop in the corporate tax rate?

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation is always talking about tax freedom day. On June 26 Canadians enjoy tax freedom day; they actually get to keep their money. There used to be a corporate tax freedom day, but it started getting in the way of New Year's eve. The parties started to blend together, so corporate tax freedom day was stopped because they were getting embarrassed. The New Year's eve party and the corporate tax freedom party would merge into one event.

Financial Consumer Agency Of Canada Act February 12th, 2001

Madam Speaker, I am glad to have the opportunity to join the debate on Bill C-8. As has been pointed out by previous speakers, the bill is a reincarnation of Bill C-38 which died on the order paper last fall at second reading.

We can tell by the amount of debate in the House on this bill already today that there is great interest among all Canadians to see reform of our financial institutions and the whole financial sector. This stems from a growing feeling on the part of Canadians that our current financial institutions are failing to meet the needs of the average Canadian.

There is a growing sense that our chartered banks, which most people grew up with as symbols of stability, that they were something to be proud of and which were given charters for specific reasons, are failing to meet their mandates under the terms of which they were given their charter.

We all know that the five chartered banks have an exclusive monopoly on certain financial transactions, for instance, the right to process credit charges. These profitable transactions are huge. This is a sector that they have been given exclusive right to and the trade-off was that they would meet the needs of the average Canadian community and the average Canadian citizen for their basic financial services.

I can begin by saying that in the riding of Winnipeg Centre that has been anything but the case. In fact, there has been a flight of capital from the inner cities across the country, Winnipeg Centre being no exception. There is almost a seemingly vote of non-confidence in our communities as people watch these institutions fold up their tents, leave and not provide the basic services that they were charged with the responsibility to offer. In fact, they are doing anything but that. As was pointed out by the previous speaker, small businesses are not given a loan unless they can prove that they do not need it.

More and more of the basic financial services, such as having a neighbourhood branch within a reasonable distance for senior citizens or people of low income, are getting to be a thing of the past. These services are being taken over by ATMs or by large corporate branches that may be in the centre of the financial district, but they are not in the communities and they are not in the small towns in and around rural Manitoba.

There has been a growing resentment over this trend of bank closures. This came to light a couple of years ago when the banks were anxious to merge to form even larger institutions. Many Canadians mobilized at that time, specifically to stop the bank mergers. However, other realities came to the forefront. There has been a growing frustration with not only the lack of services in the communities. It forced Canadians to have a really serious hard look at what our major financial institutions were or were not really doing for us.

It has even mobilized people who own shares in the various banks. There is a growing shareholder movement among people who own shares in the five chartered banks. I had the privilege of going to two of the national shareholders' meetings recently. I never thought in my wildest dreams that I would be going to a shareholders' meeting of the Royal Bank or the Bank of Montreal. I do not own shares in either of those institutions, so I had to borrow some proxy votes in order to crash the gates and get in.

Our point was that at a time when the banks seem to be operating on their own and without any input from the Canadian people who cause them to be, we needed to seize the issue somehow and put a little bit of democracy back into the corporate system. In other words, if we were unable through our elected institutions to coerce the banks into doing their job of servicing Canadians, perhaps if we mobilized through a shareholders' rights movement we could coerce the banks into doing the job that they were hired to do or they were given the exclusive right of some financial transactions in exchange for.

It was rather interesting. I do not know, Madam Speaker, if you have ever been to a shareholders' meeting of one of the major chartered banks. Probably many of the people in the room have. I certainly had not. I was very surprised that as many as 1,400 people crammed the hall in a major hotel in downtown Toronto to attend the meeting. I thought it would be like other meetings of its type that I had been to, like union meetings where people would move a motion, have it seconded, debate it and the motion would either pass or fail based on its merits.

In actual fact, nobody there seemed interested in talking about very much except for the actual returns of that quarter of that actual fiscal year that was being reported on. We went there with a number of people who moved real motions that we thought would benefit the average Canadian. There were only nine resolutions put forward in the whole meeting. We moved all nine and I seconded all nine.

One of the resolutions was to limit the salary of the CEO of the bank to ten times that of the average employee, which he thought was kind of an innovative move. It was quite a fair resolution too when one thinks about it. If the average employee makes $40,000 or $50,000 a year working for the banks, the CEO would then get 10 times that or $500,000 or $600,000 a year. We would think that is pretty fair compensation.

That motion did not pass. We seconded it and argued it aggressively as to why that would be more fair. We even pointed out that the average CEO of a Japanese corporation makes 10 to 13 times that of the average worker of the enterprise over which they govern. In the case of the bank presidents of the Royal Bank and the Bank of Montreal that figure is 80, or 90 or 120 times the earnings of the average employee. Those are wildly and grossly inflated salaries to reward these bank presidents for doing what? For cutting off access to services for average Canadians. This seemed to be their reward.

Granted there were record profits involved and quarter after quarter they were making more money, but all the time they were raising service charges, closing bank branches and denying basic services like loans to small businesses. No wonder they were making a profit and rewarding each other very handsomely.

When we looked at that structure, no wonder they were voting each other big raises. They all seemed to sit on each other's boards of directors. I learned a lot when I crashed that shareholders' meeting. As a socialist and a trade unionist, attending a shareholders' meeting like that was a real education.

We learned that one of the boards of directors of the bank, I believe the Royal Bank, George Cohon, the CEO of McDonald's, sits on 50 other boards of directors. Each one of those boards meets about 10 times a year. That is 500 board meetings a year that presumably one would have to attend, but nobody can do that. The only board meeting one really has to go to is the board meeting when they vote on a raise for the board of directors. Then the other members of that board will come to that board of directors meeting and vote for a massive raise.

It becomes an incestuous little circle of people who vote each other massive pay increases. That is what motivated us to try to interfere with that whole circular process and cap it off. Whatever rate of pay one is paying one's employees, one can pay oneself 10 times that, but that is enough. Frankly, we do not believe that banks deserve to be rewarded for cutting off access of Canadians to basic banking services. That is one of the shortcomings that we pointed out.

Another motion that we moved demanded gender parity on the board of directors; 50:50, female to male. We came close on that. It is really ironic that the person that moved the motion was a famous Bloc separatist named Yves Michaud. He is the person whose motions I was seconding. The results of that vote were exactly the same result as in the last Quebec referendum, 49.6 to 50.4. There is something about that number that Yves Michaud seems to generate in people. I do not know if it is because he moved it. Perhaps I should have moved the motion myself. We thought that was a good idea. There was a great deal of interest.

One of the other motions that we moved was the very thing that I pointed out with the increasing of CEOs wages, salaries and compensation. Due to the fact that they all sit on each other's boards of directors, we also moved a motion that would limit the number of boards one could sit on to 10. If they all want to sit on each other's boards, let us make it a reasonable number. In this way we hoped to somewhat democratize the corporate structure and give the people who actually rely on the bank's services to some say on what the banks do or do not do.

In my riding of Winnipeg Centre, we have seen bank branches close in an almost epidemic way. The same is true for my colleague from the riding of Winnipeg North Centre. The banks are shutting down branches like there is no tomorrow in the hopes to increase their profits even more. The trade-off was supposed to be that we would give them the exclusive right to certain financial transactions in exchange for reliable adequate service and even some accountability to the community at large.

For instance, in the United States there is a community bank investments act which mandates that banks reinvest a certain amount of their profit into the community that they serve, even if it is not the most profitable venture, or a break even venture or marginal venture. If it is something of community interest, a non-profit group that wants to get started but is short of capital, the banks would be mandated by the community investment act to invest in at least some of these things to move the community forward for its own benefit.

Bill C-8 does one thing. It helps the credit union movement. I should say something positive about that. Many of those people are so disillusioned with the service, or lack of service, that they have been getting from the chartered banks. They have been gravitating toward the credit unions in order to get access to the financial service that every family and small business need.

One of the positive aspects of Bill C-8 is that it will finally allow a national structure for the credit unions, a credit union central, so that they would be recognized as an entity that way. We think that is a very positive step. We see it province to province. We have a Manitoba credit union central. Now there can be a national structure along those lines.

However, the shortcomings far outweigh those small benefits. Canadians are looking to the banks for support for the most basic of services and are being denied them. In a time when the banks are showing record profits, one would think that there would be some feeling that they should be able to enhance their service to Canadians instead of continually reducing them in spite of record profits quarter after quarter.

Our position is that the banks have done nothing to deserve being rewarded with the additional freedoms they would enjoy under Bill C-8. We believe Bill C-8 would, in a small way, enable the banks to achieve what they failed to achieve recently under the bank mergers. It almost institutionalizes the concept that banks will eventually merge, in that it specifically talks about that eventuality and the possibility it would be dealt with in parliament.

Instead of being dealt with on a random ad hoc basis, it more or less contemplates that mergers sooner or later will be a fait accompli. Canadians recoiled at the whole bank merger idea. The society of seniors spoke out vehemently that they were concerned that if banks were allowed to merge further and get even bigger, their interest in serving the small homeowners or small businesses would be even less.

We all know that much of the profit the banks are making now is really from their offshore and corporate customers, not from the average citizen and the small mortgages that homeowners might enjoy.

Another thing that comes to mind, and I wish we had thought of it at the shareholders' meetings of the banks, is to protest the fact that when the Minister of Finance outlined the recent round of tax cuts, the announcement that the corporate tax rate will go down from 17% to 16% slipped by without very much notice.

I have heard different figures as to what effect this will have on the chartered banks. One figure that I heard is that as much as $75 million a year will be kept by the banks as a result of that one percentage point change in the corporate tax structure.

I would ask the House of Commons and all Canadians what the chartered banks have done for us recently to deserve a reward like this, a kickback, if we will, of up to $75 million per year that they will now be able to keep above and beyond the record profits that they enjoy quarter after quarter?

One might sense that I am quite critical of our financial institutions. We were hopeful that Bill C-8 would come down hard and advocate on behalf of Canadians. We expected the Canadian government to be champions of Canadians and not, frankly, to cater to the interests of financial institutions and give them the enabling legislation they might need to go through with what they failed to do last year.

Many seniors have visited me in my riding to tell me how disappointed they were that their local bank branch was closing, and they wanted to know why. When they appeal to the banks they get a long, convoluted restructuring message on how the banks will be better able to serve their customers through e-commerce and ATMs, and that now people can bank on the Internet, switch on their home PCs and have all those banking services available to them.

That is not much consolation for a low income senior citizen on a fixed income. The seniors in my riding resent losing what they counted on as being part of their community and part of their neighbourhood. As I said in my opening remarks, it really looks like a vote of non-confidence in a neighbourhood when the local bank branch does not see fit to stick around because it does not sense enough economic activity to warrant keeping its doors open. What does a boarded up bank say about one's neighbourhood and about the viability of the town, the community or the inner city neighbourhood that one lives in?

Some people have called the attitude of the banks toward ordinary Canadians abusive and unaccountable to the community. What we had hoped to see in a bill dealing with financial institutions was a return to that accountability.

This reminds me of a parliamentary junket to Botswana that I was invited on. The outgoing president of Botswana, Masire, was one of those African leaders who really was committed to his community. It was one of those countries that was not corrupt and that worked hard in the post-war era to try to build a nation.

Masire had chartered banks in his country with the exact terms and conditions that we put on ours. That is what he said in a meeting with the minister, which we attended. However, the banks disappointed him and failed to meet their commitments in such a way that he said to hell with them. He said that he was going to invite the whole world to come and bank in Botswana because those to whom he gave that exclusive privilege had failed the country.

I am not saying we are at that point. I am not saying it is quite that drastic for us yet, but there is a growing feeling that we are giving chartered banks the exclusive right to some of the most profitable transactions. The processing of credit cards is one example. Every time a credit card is used the processing fee must be done by one of the chartered banks. If we give banks that exclusive right, we want something in return.

We do not want to see boarded up banks in our communities. We want a commitment to and reinvestment in our communities. Banks should take some of their record profits and do more than just donate to the Winnipeg Ballet or to some other arts program to improve their image. If they gave one-tenth of what they spend on TV advertising, which is a huge campaign to try to improve their image, people might feel compensated for some of what they have lost in service.

There are huge gaps in banking law. There is a real need to address the overall picture and the way Canadians view the banks, whether in terms of providing services, the insurance aspect of things, what the banks have been trying to grab, or all of their financial activities. We need to put the reins on them in some respects.

The bill, thankfully, stops short of giving them all they have asked for in terms of being a single window shopping centre for all financial transactions, whether auto insurance, life insurance or whatever. We have not gone that far.

We want to see that banks with some accountability to the community and not just to their shareholders. If they are to be motivated by profit alone and by no secondary objectives whatsoever, why are we giving them exclusive monopoly on certain transactions?

I predict there will be a growing shareholders rights movement and that more people will be buying 100 shares of one of the banks so that they can crash the shareholders meetings, hijack the meetings and get some of the amendments we put forward through.

If Canadians were polled, they would be horrified that some people make $8 million a year to run one of the chartered banks. The basic salary might only be $1.5 million a year, but when stock options and shares are added up, they are making $8 million to $10 million a year for not really doing their job. Why reward people for failing to do the job they were asked to do?

Petitions February 8th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I am very glad to be able to present, under Standing Order 36, a very hefty document with literally thousands of names of people in my riding who are appealing to government to help them with the staggering skyrocketing fuel costs they are currently living with.

Their recommendation is that the government establish a national energy price commission. This independent national commission would be charged to regulate the costs of gasoline, home heating fuel, natural gas and other energy sources.

Employment Insurance Act February 5th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, in actual fact the Canadian Labour Congress, in co-operation with the unemployed, help centres across the country, paid for a very detailed and comprehensive study for every riding in the country, for all 301 ridings, and measured the actual impact of the cuts to UIC.

That survey was mailed to every member of parliament. All members have received a package telling them exactly what the impact was of the cuts to unemployment insurance per year in their ridings. In some parts of the country, it is horrific.

Employment Insurance Act February 5th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, the member for Churchill is absolutely right. She seems to know what she is talking about on this matter. I concur wholeheartedly with her remarks.

Employment Insurance Act February 5th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, the issue of how any surplus in the EI fund should be used is really pretty straightforward. The federal government pays nothing into the EI program. It is all made up of contributions by employers and employees. It is our money, and income maintenance, frankly, is what the designated use of the EI fund was.

When the member says the NDP would squander it by giving that money to workers, let me say that first, it is their money, and second, the Liberals already squandered it by spending it on whatever they felt like. They had no right to do that. They had no right to use that money for anything other than what the act states, and that is for income maintenance and labour market training. That is why we pay into the fund. It was the expectation, and a reasonable expectation, on the part of workers that they would qualify for some kind of income maintenance should they become unemployed.