House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was asbestos.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Winnipeg Centre (Manitoba)

Lost his last election, in 2015, with 28% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Indian Residential Schools June 11th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, I believe the social conditions of Canada's indigenous people are the greatest failure of a great country and it is important to acknowledge the significant role the Indian residential schools played in shaping these conditions.

Today we mark the second anniversary of the Prime Minister's apology, on behalf of all Canadians, for the lasting and damaging impact this policy had on aboriginal culture, heritage and language and for failing to protect generations of children from abuse and neglect.

The apology of June 11, 2008, was genuine and sincere, and I was proud of the government as it was delivered. However, it was also a moment that raised expectations. For an apology to have meaning and weight, it must be offered, accepted and include efforts made to remedy the offence that gave rise to the apology to the greatest extent possible.

It now falls upon us to ensure that we meet those expectations by putting meat on the bare bones of the apology of two years ago. We must commit ourselves to concrete actions so the next generation of Canadians does not have to apologize for the failure of this one to provide equal opportunity and a better quality of life to first nation, Métis and Inuit people.

Next week the healing process takes another historic step, as former students of the residential schools are invited to have their stories heard at the Truth and Reconciliation hearings in Winnipeg. This will be difficult and painful and will take great strength and courage. Our best wishes and support go out to all those who participate, as both sides will surely benefit from this open and honest process.

In the words of the Prime Minister, there is no place in Canada for the attitudes that inspired the Indian residential schools to ever again prevail.

National Defence June 11th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, the problem is that as recently as May 27, the Minister of National Defence stood in his place right over there and guaranteed to us that there will be an open, competitive, transparent process in the purchase of our next fighter aircraft, yet secret cabinet documents reveal now that the minister has no intention of having an open and competitive process, because the Americans would not like it.

A competitive bidding process would give us a better plane for a better price and would provide better regional and industrial benefits. Since when are the Conservatives opposed to a free market? Since when are the Conservatives opposed to free competition?

National Defence June 11th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, TV's Mike Holmes tells us we should not even build a sundeck without getting three quotes because competition is the only way we know we are getting best value. Yet, the Conservatives want to sole-source the largest military procurement in Canadian history without any competition. That means we pay their price on their terms with no competitive pressure whatsoever.

If Karlheinz Schreiber were not in jail in Germany, I would be convinced he was bamboozling another generation of Conservative cabinet ministers.

What other arms dealing lobbyist has convinced this government to throw reason, logic, good judgment, and any business sense out the window?

Committees of the House June 10th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour today to present, in both official languages, the third report of the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates in relation to its study of the claim relating to lobbying activities by the member for Scarborough—Rouge River. By this report, the committee wants to draw the attention of the House to the potential breach of its privilege and recommend that it takes any measures it deems necessary and appropriate.

Asbestos June 9th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, asbestos is the greatest industrial killer the world has ever known. More Canadians die from asbestos than all other industrial causes combined, yet Canada continues to be one of the largest producers in the world, dumping 200,000 tonnes a year into developing nations such as India and Indonesia, where there are virtually no health and safety protocols.

Instead of being one of the world's cheerleaders and boosters of asbestos, why does the government not stop giving corporate welfare to these corporate serial killers and ban asbestos once and for all, as the rest of the developing nations have? Why does the government continue to give them money and support this killer of an industry?

Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act June 7th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, my question is more one of process. Eighteen months ago, the Conservative government prorogued Parliament so it could recalibrate, to use its term, its legislative program. After a long wait while it recalibrated, we came back and the very first piece of legislation tabled, the top of mind, number one priority for the government was not the global economic crisis. It was not housing or social programs. It was Bill C-2, a free trade agreement with Colombia--

Create Your Canada Contest June 4th, 2010

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and pay tribute to Sam Unrau, the 2010 winner of the Create your Canada contest. This contest invited Winnipeg high school students to suggest their ideas for a private member's bill to make Canada a better place.

On Wednesday, Sam came to Ottawa to witness his Bill C-523 being introduced and given first reading in the House of Commons. Mr. Unrau, who uses a wheelchair for mobility, won the contest for his proposal that Canada conduct an accessibility audit of all federally regulated modes of transportation. Sam's thoughtful proposal seeks to create an environment in which people of all levels of physical ability can travel with dignity.

Our thanks go to Pauline Clarke, the Chief Superintendent of the Winnipeg School Division; Mr. Scott Gair, of Encore Music, for his generosity in providing airfare; Mr. Dave Taylor, Sam's excellent teacher at Argyle School; and all the students in Winnipeg who participated in the contest.

It was Sam's first trip to Ottawa, but I predict that Ottawa has not seen the last of this fine young man.

Jobs and Economic Growth Act June 3rd, 2010

Mr. Speaker, it does speak to a larger problem. It is an attitude problem, I suppose. The government is willing to forgo this lost revenue to tax havens. Even Diane Francis, not exactly a left-wing author, did a five-part series in the National Post, calling on the Conservative government to plug egregious tax loopholes that are just fundamentally wrong, that no decent person would avail themselves of if they had any conscience or any pride in being a Canadian.

One of those was the family trust loophole where we give a one-time payment of 25% and that gives us permission to send the whole family trust of billions of dollars offshore, and from that day on, all the revenue from that investment comes back into the country tax-free. We can have all of our family and friends living on these tax-free earnings offshore for the rest of their lives for generations.

Why would anybody craft such a thing that is clearly against the best interests of all Canadians except for that one billionaire? Why would we tolerate giving money away like that? Can we really afford to be so generous?

Jobs and Economic Growth Act June 3rd, 2010

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Hamilton Centre for giving me the opportunity to touch on something that time did not permit me to deal with in my original speech.

It is quite true. As a former labour leader, I have a great deal of working knowledge of the EI fund. I can tell members that when the original cuts to the unemployment insurance program were made by the Liberals in 1995 and 1996, those changes in eligibility rules took $20 million per year of federal transfers out of just my riding of Winnipeg Centre alone. It is no wonder the fund went into surplus.That money, we should remember, is only money from the employer and the employee. The federal government pays nothing into the EI fund. Brian Mulroney stopped doing that in the mid-1980s.

Can members imagine taking $20 million a year of income maintenance from the federal government out of one of the poorest ridings in Canada? That would be like losing the payroll of two major factories of 2,000 employees each. That was the net effect of the Liberals' cuts to EI.

But then the surpluses started building up, because they created an unemployment insurance system where nobody qualified any more. So it is no wonder. The Liberals milked it like a cash cow. There was a $57 billion surplus that was spent on everything except income maintenance, and now the Conservatives have driven the final stake through the heart of the unemployment insurance program by saying that reserve is gone, that we have to start from scratch and raise premiums.

Clearly there is no working-class consciousness on that side of the House.

Jobs and Economic Growth Act June 3rd, 2010

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to have an opportunity on behalf of my constituents of Winnipeg Centre to enter into the debate on Bill C-9 at report stage amendments.

I think it is important to put in perspective what we are doing here at this point in time on Bill C-9 and on behalf of the people I represent.

We should remind Canadians that this is the point in the legislative process where the government of the day comes to Parliament to ask permission to spend the taxpayers' money in a certain way. The government introduces its budget, and then, by virtue of a budget implementation bill, the government outlines the detailed way in which it intends to spend that budget.

The government comes to Parliament for our permission, and it needs our permission to go ahead. This is why there is the urgency with Bill C-9. This is why the government is going to put time allocation on the debate, if it can, to ram this thing through by the end of June when Parliament adjourns for the summer recess.

Technically, the government does not have permission to spend the money it proposes to spend. It is coming to us. I wish the government would show a little bit more humility when it comes to us, because it does not even have a majority. It cannot force anything in this Parliament. It needs the co-operation of the members on this side of the House to get permission to spend that money.

A lot of Canadians would like to believe that members of Parliament could work together in between elections to paddle our canoe in the same direction, as it were, to do what is best for the country. I think if people sought it, they would find a fair amount of goodwill in the House towards that, because we all recognize we have been going through difficult economic times. The opposition parties did not try to interfere, block or stop the massive stimulus spending. We accepted that this was what was going on in the world.

What is mean-spirited about this and what is wrong with the way the Conservatives are handling this is that rather than seeking the co-operation of the House for the implementation of the budget this year, they tried to insert a bunch of things that do not properly belong in a budget implementation bill. Canadians should understand that.

It is deceit of the highest order to ram this bill through. For the necessary spending, or at least giving permission for the government to spend, they are including a bunch things that do not belong here. It is a very American-style thing to do. Those of us who are observers of politics in other countries will recognize this as earmarking, as they call it in the United States, where a budget bill will start out at, say, 30 pages, and by the time every senator adds their special spending bill that they trade their support for, it will be 200 pages long. There will be all kinds of irrelevant additional material rammed into that bill.

This is what is happening here today. In terms of implementation of the budget, I do not think there would be great opposition to some parts of the bill. We are clearly against other things that deserve debate. However, there are some things that clearly should not be in this bill at all, and that is what speaker after speaker on the part of the NDP have been trying to point out.

I know the people in my riding would be disappointed in a number of the aspects of this budget implementation bill. In its current form, it does not deserve our support. Any opposition member worth his or her salt would vote against this bill.

My colleague from Hamilton is exactly right in saying that we should not only be opposed to this bill, we should be willing to stand in our place and be opposed to this bill and be counted in our opposition to this bill.

Believe me, we will be counting the heads on those vacant benches over there when it comes time to vote against this bill. It is unworthy of our support. Never mind the merits of the bill or the faults of the bill, by principle we should be voting against this bill because it sets a dangerous precedent that they are trying to insert a number of things that clearly do not belong here.

In the brief time I had to research the part 1 amendments, I counted up a number of tax grabs in Bill C-9, the current budget implementation bill, that should be of grave concern as well. They are clearly contrary to what the Conservative government would have us believe, that they are all about tax cuts and not tax grabs.

Clearly, a lot of these measures are tax grabs in no uncertain terms, yet the Conservatives have left opportunities for revenue without any comment at all. For instance, a budget implementation bill or a budget itself is the opportunity to finally plug the outrageous tax loopholes that exist for offshore tax havens. This is money left on the table that the Minister of Finance does not see fit to pick up and put in his pocket.

I cannot understand it, because I used to hear Conservative MPs, when they were in opposition, rail about the outrageous tax havens, rail against the former prime minister, Paul Martin, for shielding a lot of his assets in offshore tax havens with his 13 shell companies to hide the profits of Canada Steamship Lines, but they have not taken any active steps to deal with this.

I forget what the chartered accountants call it, but it has a fancy name in terms of hiring a tax avoidance lawyer; “tax-motivated expatriation”, those are the words I was groping for. It sounds like a legitimate move that a tax consultant would advise. In the cocktail party circuit, it almost sounds respectable. For people to say they are going to take part in some tax-motivated expatriation almost sounds as though they are going on a holiday to some warm country. In actual fact, it is a sleazy tax-cheating loophole that the Conservatives are afraid to close because it is their friends who avail themselves of it. So they do not want to offend their friends.

In the U.S., an estimated $100 billion a year in revenue is lost through its tax haven regime. Other experts have taken that money down with our economy and it would be a minimum of $7 billion per year of lost revenue that our tax havens are costing the taxpayer. So as we are offloading this tax burden with tax grabs from ordinary Canadians, we are leaving this money on the table. It is incomprehensible to me and it is contrary to what we were led to believe about the policies of the Conservatives.

The other thing that should be pointed out, and again the people in my riding of Winnipeg Centre deserve to know that someone is raising this in the House of Commons, is the very valid and legitimate point that my colleague from Elmwood—Transcona made, that the current round of corporate tax cuts that the Conservatives have not only contemplated but are implementing are going to cost the general revenues in the neighbourhood of $7 billion to $10 billion. I have heard as high as $15 billion. We do not have that money. That is money we have to borrow. We are going to be borrowing money to give to already profitable corporations in terms of yet another handout. This is what is incomprehensible to ordinary Canadians.

It is not as though we are giving a struggling industry some kind of helping hand up. That is one thing. We can talk about whether that is corporate welfare, but we are not opposed.

For instance, if it were the shipbuilding industry and we wanted Canada to get back into shipbuilding, some kind of help to get the industry back on its feet can be justified, but the already most profitable industries, the oil industry, as well as the big banks who are showing record profits, are now going to get another gratuitous handout of up to $15 billion of money we do not have. So we are going to be raising taxes of ordinary Canadians to give a handout to the banks who in turn gouge those ordinary Canadians and have both hands in their pockets.

There is something fundamentally wrong with the mindset of anyone who would craft a financial instrument such as Bill C-9. It should be rejected, it should be opposed, and every member of the New Democratic Party can be counted on to oppose the bill and send it back where it came from for a complete rewrite, I would hope.