House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was tax.

Last in Parliament March 2011, as Liberal MP for Mississauga South (Ontario)

Lost his last election, in 2011, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I would like to refer to a specific section with regard to retirement in the documents presented today by the Reform Party. It says that many seniors express frustration at mandatory retirement. Despite the fact that seniors are healthier and living longer than ever before, many of them are legally obliged to stop functioning as productive members of the economy once they turn 65. To complicate matters further, federally run pension programs start paying benefits at age 65.

Specifically, I would like to ask the hon. member if this means they are proposing to raise the age at which seniors are eligible to receive Canada pension plan and whether that is something which they propose to do instantaneously or phase in over a number of years.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the government election campaign was run in October 1993 on a platform which said that it would achieve 3 per cent of GDP by the end of the third year of the

mandate. The Minister of Finance has brought down a budget. We are on track.

If members noticed, the Minister of Finance said today that not only are we going to meet this year's deficit target, we will do substantially better. I think that is important.

The hon. member asked a very important question. What would be better, zero or 25? It is the same question, the answer to which is basically that the operation was a success but the patient died. That is what the Reform Party is proposing. It is proposing an operation that will get us to zero, but at the same time Canada's social programs will die.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member always talks as if the Reform Party would not increase the debt over the period that it is talking about. It never talks about how much it would increase the debt in implementing its plan.

Let me read from the Reform Party's document. This is what that party is going to do to seniors. To Canada Mortgage and Housing it proposes a 24 per cent cut. Does that party not believe that seniors require assisted housing? If we look at seniors' benefits, there is a 15 per cent cut in all of their benefits. Clearly those cuts would be at the lower end where people can least afford it. To unemployment insurance it proposes a 22 per cent cut, and a 34 per cent cut in welfare.

I do not have to go on. Simply look at the numbers. We can see that this document, which was prepared by the third party, represents an attack on Canadians who are the most in need.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to participate in this debate. This morning I had an opportunity to pick up a copy of the Reform Party's taxpayers' budget, a plan to balance the federal budget.

I thought it was very appropriate that today in question period the finance minister was able to rise in his place and with only a very short period of time to look at this advise the Reform Party this plan would not balance the federal budget. He went on to explain why.

I want to give a few comments about what this document really means. It is important that the Reform Party has now put on the table what it really had in mind, the details it left out when it presented its balanced budget program to the finance committee last fall. It laid out $10 billion of cuts on non-social program spending, which only added up to $9 billion, showing the accuracy of the information it was given.

It did not tell Canadians about the social program side of it. It is only fair to let Canadians know now. I appreciate the Reform Party is now letting Canadians know what its real agenda is. Canadians should know its real agenda.

If you are on a guaranteed income supplement, the Reform Party is out to get you. If you are on old age security, the Reform Party is out to get you. If you are receiving Canada pension plan, the Reform Party is out to get you. If you are receiving health care benefits, the Reform Party is out to get you. If you are on socially assisted housing, the cuts in the CMHC, the Reform Party is out to get you. If you are on unemployment insurance-read the document-the Reform Party is now out to get you.

I had an opportunity to review the document this morning. It is quite simply an incomplete document. There is no information on the economic impact of the proposed cuts. It is unclear which programs are going to be cut and the numbers it will cut from several government programs are not there.

The leader of the third party admitted it this morning in the press conference. He did not have the numbers and details to support the numbers. It was simply an arithmetic exercise the Reform Party went through to say it can come up with $25 billion.

It did not cost out the impact of those cuts. It did not even take into account many fundamental assumptions that are necessary in preparing a budget. It is not being honest with the Canadian public. It is not telling Canadians the true impact of the proposals on seniors. It is not telling Canadians the truth.

It does not take into account we have a growing number of seniors. It does not take into account which seniors will be affected by the proposed $3 billion in cuts. Rents for seniors will be impacted if CMHC is privatized. It did not say how much. It did not care about seniors when it did this.

During question period there was quite a debate going on about the word compassion. I can say in all sincerity that there is no compassion in this document. Slash and burn is the title of this document. The Reform budget is based on a philosophy that says families and charities should be the ones to take the burden for social programs. The Reform Party just wants to second the responsibility for these important programs to families and to charities that already are stretched to the limit.

How many families can afford personal insurance RRSPs? Reformers are proposing that Canadians set up some sort of quasi-RRSP to provide for their own unemployment benefits, their own education, their own retirement and for their own non-essential health care.

Today most Canadians cannot even afford to contribute to RRSPs and yet the Reform Party is saying it can eliminate old age security, the Canada pension plan, all of these things that the government does. All it has to do is let people contribute to RRSPs. This is not clear thinking at all. Reformers are out of touch with Canadians and out of touch with the basic communities.

The Reform budget includes a two tier health system, the slash and burn to our health care system. It is unbelievable. There is a 25 per cent cut in transfers to the provinces. There is a proposed reduction in international aid. There is no question that there may be some cuts there but the Reform Party fails to realize the importance of international aid as it is tied into the promotion of our international trade which is a major source of new economic growth.

The Reform Party has not addressed the accumulative impact on the regions of Canada, the cuts in equalization payments that it is proposing, the regional development and support programs to industry. There is not one detail as to the impact of those cuts. Simply we can cut the spending and they do not do anything anyway so the cuts will have no impact. That is fundamentally wrong.

What are the main features? Reform has said it is going to cut $10 billion out of government operations and non-social program spending. This is the same or similar to the report of the finance committee of the House of Commons. These are the things that were dealt with, the business subsidies, et cetera. I do not think there is much argument there. However, the key component that was missing was the component with regard to the social programs and that is where it is going to cut $15 billion out of social security spending, including $3 billion from the elderly, $3.4 billion from unemployment insurance and $6.6 billion from transfers to the provinces.

Let me deal very briefly with elderly benefits. Reformers are talking about a $3 billion cut. However, if one takes into account population growth and indexation, the real cut they would have to make is something like $5 billion. They have not taken into account the fact that we do have an aging population and that there will be more people demanding those benefits presently being offered. That has not been taken into account. That is a fundamental flaw in the entire document.

In addition, the programs include income thresholds and age requirements. I think the Minister of Finance today in question period basically laid out that if one were receiving old age security, under the savings that the Reformers are proposing in their plan the threshold for clawback would be something like $11,000. That means people who are receiving GIS would all of a sudden not be getting old age security.

This slash and burn and trash people is the kind of thing that Canadians should know about, the vision and the plans that the Reform Party has for Canadians. The Reform Party is out to get you is the message this document shows.

I wanted to talk very briefly about UI reform. Reformers said they would eliminate regionally extended benefits, lengthen work requirements and shorten the benefit entitlements to lower benefit payouts for repeat users with each additional claim. Reformers count the $3.4 billion benefit reduction to the deficit because they could not let premium rates go down but rather they would run up a huge-estimated at around a $12 billion-accumulative surplus on the UI account until the overall budget deficit is eliminated.

This kind of mathematics is simply numbers. There is no substance, no vision, no explanation and no detail to the impacts. There is no compassion in this document at all.

What about the transfers to the provinces? Reformers are going to lower cash transfers under the EPF and the CAP but they are also going to transfer additional tax points.

In question period today the finance minister pointed out very succinctly that you cannot have it both ways. Revenue is going to be impaired simply because of the transfer. Sure it is in there. It is in there to show the arithmetic works but if you do not take all the components into account, the budget will not balance. The Reform Party has not carefully managed the revenue stream that it is going to need.

The $3 billion reduction in equalization would be a massive attack on the poorest provinces. Regional differences do not matter. The Reform Party represents Alberta. It does not care about the maritimes. It does not care about Newfoundland. It does not care about Quebec. All it cares about is, we can do it ourselves and why can you not?

Members of the House of Commons have to speak on behalf of all Canadians. We have to have a national vision, a Canadian vision. We have to speak on behalf of all Canadians, not just on behalf of our own regional interests.

The conclusion I reached in going over this document is that it is terribly vague but it does show some very important points, the most important of which is the absolute attack on seniors, on the elderly, on those who are in most need in our society. That to me represents what is contained in this document that the Reform Party says is going to balance the budget. Let us look at some of the facts.

Canada's growth rate in the last year was 4.25 per cent, the highest in the G-7. The OECD predicts that Canada will continue to lead the industrial world for the next two years. Real exports are up. The Conference Board found a positive boost in investment, with 81 per cent of firms planning more investment.

Over 450,000 new jobs have been created since the government took over. The 1994 budget laid the foundation. Today the Minister of Finance announced that next Monday, February 27 he will present the next budget for the people of Canada.

There we will see how a government shows compassion and also meets its fiscal targets of 3 per cent of GDP by the end of the third year and lays the foundation for the next two-year cycle to bring Canada's budget into balance.

That is what the Liberal Party stands for, not slash and trash, particularly seniors and those most in need in our society.

Supply February 15th, 1995

Madam Speaker, I listened attentively to the member's statements. As he well knows, when leading up to a budget there is always speculation and rumour. Indeed, what we have heard today from the member is a lot of speculation and a lot of rumour.

The member started off by talking substantially about somehow shifting the tax burden to low and middle income Canadians. The member knows that when the Minister of Finance addressed the finance committee on October 17 and 18 the very clear message was that the minister was not looking at increasing taxes as a primary vehicle for deficit reduction and meeting his target of 3 per cent of GDP.

As the debate and the work of the committee have gone on, there has been no question that the committee, of which the hon. member is a member, has concentrated on many items the member has raised. These include the elimination of overlap and duplication among different levels of government; the reduction of subsidies to businesses; and dealing with loopholes that are not illegal but were brought in to handle certain situations at a certain time which may no longer serve their purpose.

The member also spent quite a bit of time referring to the rich and making the rich pay. I thought it might be helpful to pass on to the member for his information some facts that were published by StatsCanada.

The top 10 per cent of taxpayers in Canada in 1992 started at some $50,000 a year. Those top 10 per cent of taxpayers paid 34 per cent of all taxes. In addition to that, that top 10 per cent of taxpayers also contributed 42 per cent of all charitable donations.

When we are talking about who is paying for what, it is clear we have to take into account the full dynamics of the financial affairs of those people who are successful. I think the member would agree that we want Canadians to aspire to do as well as they possibly can. If we have successful leaders in businesses and industry, we will also have successful people working within those businesses and industry.

I have a question I want the member to deal with. He talked about tax reform. I think most members will agree that tax reform is an important process of this House. He talked about it in the sense of reducing the complexity of our taxes and simplifying them.

The member then went on to talk about corporate taxation. He abandoned the arguments about complexity on a personal level and went on to tax havens and other exotic tax matters that do not have anything to do with the ordinary Canadian. Would the member care to comment on tax reform from the perspective of making it simpler or less complicated?

Would he not agree that changing the way in which income tax is calculated is not going to improve government revenues in itself? Would he not agree that in fact we need fundamental tax reform, not in the way we are doing things now but in the fundamental way in which we actually assess taxation on ordinary Canadians?

Supply February 14th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I listened with interest to the member's comments. It is fair to summarize by indicating that members of the Reform Party will continue to raise spectres, rumours, innuendo and tax revolts. They will continue to say they are going to do many good things.

However, the important point is that Reform Party members have been tinkering around the edges. They have ignored and failed to explain to Canadians how they are going to deal with their $15 billion cut in social programs. They have not articulated a specific initiative by which they would deal with social programs. They have not told Canadians the truth about what they really have planned for Canada.

We have a source for what Reform Party members plan. I want to give an example. It is articulated in their minority report included in the Standing Committee on Human Resources Development report that was tabled last Monday. I refer the House to their first three recommendations.

The first concerns the guaranteed income supplement in which 40 per cent of seniors participate. They are recommending increasing the age of eligibility. On old age security they are saying: "Eliminate old age security for seniors who have above average incomes". On the Canada pension plan they are recommending raising the retirement age, raising the age of eligibility.

It is fairly clear that the true agenda of members of the Reform Party is slash and burn. If they do not believe our seniors represent a significant portion of the poor in our country they have lost touch with Canadians.

Petitions December 7th, 1994

Madam Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 36, I am pleased to present a petition to the House signed by Canadians from southwestern Ontario including my own riding of Mississauga South.

The petitioners pray and request that Parliament not amend the Canadian Human Rights Act or the charter of rights and freedoms in any way that would tend to indicate societal approval of same sex relationships or of homosexuality, including amending the Canadian Human Rights Act to include in the prohibited grounds of discrimination the undefined phrase of sexual orientation. I concur with this petition.

Violence Against Women December 6th, 1994

Madam Speaker, I congratulate the secretary of state for her excellent presentation on a very important matter to all members who are going to speak on this very important subject.

I have one quick example to share with members about domestic violence. I spent about five years serving as a board member of the shelter for battered women in my riding of Mississauga South. It is called Interim Place. I am very pleased that Interim Place was able to arrange for additional funding and arrange for a second shelter to be built.

Members would be interested to know that in one month alone while I was on the board 80 women were turned away from our shelter because there were no beds left. There was no place for them to go with their children. That gives some idea of the magnitude of the problem we have in Canada. As the minister has stated, one half of all women will experience domestic violence in their lives.

I ask the member whether he would agree that because of the seriousness of the issue of domestic violence and the fact that there is presently a bill before this House, Bill C-41, which tries to identify aggravating circumstances of bias, prejudice or hate, that the matter of domestic violence or spousal abuse be included as a matter which would demonstrate bias, prejudice and hate and warrant a more serious sentence than the simple offence that was committed.

Income Tax Act December 2nd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, today is a sad day for parliamentarians, a sad day for Quebec and a sad day for Canada. Our thoughts today are with our hon. colleague, the Leader of the Opposition who is courageously fighting a very serious personal battle. I wanted to begin my comments by letting him know that our prayers are with him, his family and his children. All Canadians are with him.

I am pleased to join in the debate and to support Bill C-59. There are several aspects of the legislation and how it relates to our overall tax system that deserve comment and clarification.

Let me emphasize that our government knows full well Canadians believe taxes are already too high and we agree with them. That is why our priority objectives are to stimulate economic growth while putting in place real fiscal discipline. It is this double-barrelled thrust that will ultimately allow us to reduce taxes in the years ahead.

Let us remember that the tax deficit relationship is a two-way street. Every dollar of deficit borrowing we accept today will axiomatically lead to higher taxes tomorrow. Every dollar we can trim from the deficit, preferably through spending cuts but also through tax measures if need be is a step on the road to keeping the tax burden down.

That is why our government's 1994 budget was in many ways a tax reform and a tax reduction budget. It included measures to eliminate loopholes and increase tax system fairness and equity. It also committed to direct action to bring down unemployment insurance premiums which is a payroll tax that acts as a real barrier to new job creation.

It was also a tax reduction budget because of the firm commitment made by the Minister of Finance to cut the deficit to 3 per cent of the economy in three years. Again, let me make this central point. Fiscal discipline is the key to long term tax reductions in two key ways.

Obviously the less we have to borrow the less we have to tax to repay the loan and its interest, but there is another important dimension to this process. Controlling government's appetite for debt is our fundamental tool for getting interest rates back down. Lower interest rates mean lower carrying costs on our $500 billion debt. Again that means fewer tax dollars we need to spend.

I understand the concern some Canadians may feel about measures that add to tax revenues today in order to let us cut taxes in the future. We know the tax fatigue felt by so many. That is why the 1994 budget undertook a program of net spending reduction over three years. That is the most significant of any budget in a decade.

Over 80 per cent of the net fiscal improvement delivered by the 1994 budget over three years comes from spending cuts. In other words there are $5 of spending cuts for every $1 of revenue increase.

There is another aspect of our approach I must highlight. The net savings of $17 billion we will achieve in spending cuts comes after paying for our new initiatives. Some $6.7 billion in current federal program spending was reallocated to encourage growth, create jobs and to fund new priorities.

So far I have touched on the broad budgetary context of Bill C-59. Now let me comment on some of the specific aspects of the legislation and how it relates to the tax system and to other issues.

Clearly the most contentious part of the legislation is the measure to subject the age credit to an income test. Let me remind hon. members how this will work. Under the existing tax system Canadian seniors 65 years and over are eligible for special tax relief in the form of an age credit. It results in a combined federal-provincial tax reduction of about $950 per year. It is critical to note that under Bill C-59 individuals with net incomes below $25,921 will retain their full credit. That represents three-quarters of all seniors; 2.6 million seniors will not be affected.

But what about the 800,000 seniors who will feel an impact? Like our tax system itself, the effect will be progressive. For individuals with net incomes above the threshold, the age amount will be reduced at a rate of 15 per cent of their net incomes exceeding $25,921. The threshold will be indexed.

The bottom line is that most of those who will be affected will continue to receive partial benefits. In fact, only about 6 per cent of seniors, some 200,000, will no longer receive benefits because their incomes exceed $49,134, the threshold at which the benefits will be exhausted.

Let me just step aside for a second and give a context to that threshold. In 1992 only 10 per cent of all Canadians filing tax returns had incomes over $50,000. I should also point out that the reduction will be phased in over two years. For 1994 the reduction will be one-half of the amount otherwise determined. As well, the age credit will remain transferable to a spouse.

Let me now turn to the measures in Bill C-59 to eliminate the $100,000 lifetime capital gains exemption. As was said in the House yesterday, this exemption has been subject to much criticism. It distorts the tax system, totally exempting certain gains while taxing others. It also gives our tax system the real sense of being inequitable because it mostly benefits high income Canadians.

Let me highlight just one aspect of the dilemma. In 1992 there were some 12,000 Canadians out of the 19.4 million tax filers who earned $50,000 or more yet paid no income tax. A wide range of allowable tax deductions and credits made it possible for these people to eliminate their tax liability. Figures show that over 4,700 people in this group, some 40 per cent, used their lifetime capital gains deduction to reduce their tax payable.

I am not suggesting that those Canadians did anything wrong. But there is a real public policy problem, a philosophical wrong at work when millions of less affluent taxpayers see those well-off individuals escape taxation completely.

The bill will be an important step in helping to restore Canadians' faith in tax equity. It will help prevent some people from feeling any justification for their tax evasion, an important goal when the Auditor General reports billions of dollars of unpaid taxes.

The issue of tax system fairness and the ability to avoid taxes leads me directly to other measures of Bill C-59, those related to the corporate sector. There are many Canadians today who feel that the business sector receives preferential treatment compared to the individual taxpayer.

It is worth noting that people often focus on the corporate income tax and do not recognize the many other taxes that businesses must pay. They include provincial corporate income taxes, capital and insurance premium taxes, payroll levies such as UI premiums, Canada and Quebec pension plan contributions, workmen's compensation premiums, and municipal property taxes.

In fact in 1993 Canadian corporations paid some $51 billion in such taxes, about $21 billion to the federal government and $30 billion to the provincial and municipal governments. That being said, the perception of corporate welfare bums still remains in many minds. People still read of profitable corporations paying no tax. They believe there are still too many loopholes and deductions that are not justified given our serious national debt problem.

Bill C-59 takes new steps to reduce deductions and eliminate loopholes that were clearly violating the spirit of a fair tax system. For example, the bill will reduce the tax deduction for eligible business meals and entertainment expenses from 80 per cent to 50 per cent. This measure will make the tax system fairer by helping to ensure that all businesses, large and small, pay an appropriate share of tax. It also better reflects the element of personal consumption that we believe is inherent in such expenses.

I should reiterate a key point made by the government's opening speaker. This measure is consistent with recent reductions of business meals and entertainment expense deductions in Ontario, Quebec and the United States.

The legislation also proposes to restrict the use of certain tax shelters. These are ones where limited or passive investors in a partnership have been able to claim tax deductible losses and/or to receive cash distributions that actually exceed the cost of their investment.

Similarly Bill C-59 will also curtail the use of the tax avoidance technique known as a purchase butterfly. Let me remind members of how this flighty corporate provision has functioned.

Current federal tax rules permit corporate property to be divided pro rata among its shareholders on a tax deferred basis. This assists the splitting up of a corporation so that the shareholders can continue to carry on separately the corporation's business.

In recent years, unfortunately, the rules have been used to avoid or defer tax on the sale of corporate assets. In May 1993 the government introduced rules to curtail cross border purchase butterfly transactions. Bill C-59 proposes to modify these rules and extend them to all purchase butterflies.

The final measure I want to highlight is the proposal to make large private corporations ineligible for the small business deduction. In today's new economy small business is the major job creator. It is a sector that deserves effective targeted support.

Unfortunately under the existing rules this support was also going to larger firms, companies that do not have a reasonable claim on the limited public and taxpayers' purse.

The small business deduction recognizes the special financing difficulties and higher capital costs faced by the vital small business sector. The deduction lowers the basic federal tax rate on the first $200,000 of active business income of Canadian controlled private corporations from 28 per cent to 12 per cent, a reduction of 16 percentage points.

This lower tax rate provides small corporations with more after tax income for reinvestment and expansion. Regrettably under the current rules, some very large corporations are also obtaining this benefit. The proposed rule changes will make large corporations, those with taxable capital of $15 million or more, ineligible for the small business deduction. As well, the rule changes will reduce the deduction for corporations having taxable capital between $10 million and $15 million.

Let me acknowledge that Bill C-59 will not in itself resolve Canada's fiscal problems nor restore equity throughout the tax system. Those are the goals that will only be met by consistent, continuous effort, effort our government is committed to delivering.

Bill C-59 does take valuable steps in both directions, measures to broaden the tax base for fiscal renewal and even more important, measures to improve the fairness and efficiency of the tax system itself. On both counts it deserves the full support of the House.

As I said, Bill C-59 in itself is not going to change or fix all our problems. We do need a continuous and consistent effort to deal with the deficit and the debt.

I want to spend the remaining moments of my time to review very briefly some of the initiatives that the government and the finance minister have brought forward in preparation for our next budget.

On October 17, 1994, the finance minister came before the finance committee of the House of Commons and outlined the framework for economic policy. I want to remind hon. members of the first principles that the finance minister articulated for all members.

"First, we have one overriding goal as a government, that is jobs and economic growth. Second, good economic policy and good social policy are one and the same. Third, a country that is to continue to care for its citizens must be a country that can pay its bills, and, fourth, we need to create a new infrastructure for a Canada of ideas and innovation". Finally he said that government itself must change. A government cannot or should not do everything. Responsibility should lie with those who are best able to do the job.

We have had changes in the world economy. We are now in a strong economic recovery. Jobs are being created. The job crisis is not just about a recession or a cycle. It is a global epidemic. The world economy is truly integrated. Trade barriers are now gone. Communications are instant. Transportation is efficient. Markets never close and of course information technology is exploding. All this spells competition and opportunity. To be successful we need to upgrade our skills to fit a knowledge based economy. In addition we must reform our social and income support programs upon which so many Canadians have become dependent.

The fiscal track we have been on is unsustainable, not because of ideology but because of its mathematical reality. The only answer to our job dilemma is sustained substantial economic growth. That growth requires improved productivity in terms of ingenuity, better management and paying attention to the common sense workers.

High productivity increases incomes and contributes to a higher standard of living for all Canadians. To improve our productivity we must also improve our skills.

During the social program review and in the budget review it has become clear that we will and we are reviewing all programs. Rather than trying to fix everything by ourselves we are also trying to facilitate solutions in partnerships with business, industry, and Canadians at large.

We must also continue to clean up federal regulations which cost businesses billions of dollars. We must create a healthy fiscal and monetary climate. We must restore our fiscal health and deal with the deficit and the debt. As we know the debt is growing faster than the economy and that is unsustainable. As the finance minister and the Prime Minister have told us on so many occasions, our goal is to balance the budget.

As an interim target the government is committed to reduce the deficit to 3 per cent of GDP by the 1996-97 year. We are going to hit that target.

Finally let me highlight the principles guiding our choices in the 1995 budget as represented to the finance committee on October 18. He said that deficit reduction is an integral part of jobs and growth strategy. Fairness, and I stress fairness, is paramount so the most vulnerable in our society will not be left behind. Deficit reduction must be selective and strategic, reflecting clear priorities and not simply a mathematical across the board approach.

Budgetary action should weigh on the side of cuts and expenditures and not increased taxes. Economic assumptions must be prudent to stimulate confidence that deficit targets will be achieved.

We have $120 billion that the government spends on programs, one-third of which went to individuals in the form of elderly or UI benefits, transfers to Indians or to the Inuit. Twenty-five per cent of transfers were to other levels of government, ten per cent to business subsidies, international assistance, et cetera, and nine per cent to defence. All aspects of our program spending will be reviewed.

This is the commitment of the government. This is the direction established by the 1994 budget. This is the direction supported by Bill C-59.

Income Tax Act December 1st, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate the hon. member for her fine statements today in support of this bill. I know that she is very concerned about social justice within our country, to ensure that we are taking care of those in most need and certainly the children.

We listened to the words of the member for Calgary Centre who somehow decided he was going to outline for Canadians a simple one page tax return that you fold over and just send in, that this somehow is going to make the world a panacea and that we can reduce taxes all of a sudden by having a smaller form. I know that the hon. member who just spoke shares my view that having a shorter form is certainly one thing and lowering a tax rate is another.

She probably also would agree that the income taxes, for instance, for an ordinary member of Parliament under the Reform Party proposal would be reduced by about 13 per cent. Of course, that 13 per cent, if we assume that the total amount of revenue still has to be collected, would have to be collected from somebody else which means that under the plan it would certainly be unfair to lower income Canadians.

I want simply to ask the member if she feels that the finance minister has brought in appropriate changes and that more changes would be required, particularly in the areas of child tax credits or child care expense deductions which would maybe assist even further those most in need in our society.