The House is on summer break, scheduled to return Sept. 15
House of Commons photo

Track Peter

Your Say

Elsewhere

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word is conservatives.

Liberal MP for London Centre (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2025, with 57% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Economic and Fiscal Update Implementation Act, 2021 March 23rd, 2022

Mr. Speaker, it is nice to see you in the chair. We have not had the occasion to get to know each other very well. You have a lot of respect in the House, and that comes from colleagues of yours in Nova Scotia and colleagues on both aisles of the House. I wish you well in the role.

I am here to talk about Bill C-8. Bill C-8, as we know, would implement certain critical components of the economic and fiscal update that was tabled in December 2021. The government has made clear that this bill is a fundamental priority. I see that our colleagues in the House of Commons have looked at it in detail at the finance committee level and we are now at report stage.

I will take an opportunity here to offer my thoughts. There are so many aspects to the bill; it is quite detailed. However, I think it is best to focus on those areas that speak to concerns that my constituents have had over the pandemic, because the bill is entirely focused on the pandemic and the response to it. I will speak to it in that regard.

Before I do, let me reflect on the experience of the past two years, if I could, in a very brief way. There are many lessons to be learned. There is a lot of analysis that has been done and is yet to be completed. That will be left to historians, among others, to put together. When the history of the experience of COVID-19 is written, we will see a fundamental question at the centre of it: What is the role of government in everyday lives? What is the role of government when emergency strikes, when a crisis hits? That is exactly what COVID-19 represents.

There is a view of governing that was quite popular prior to the pandemic, a current of thought or an ideology, if one likes. It is libertarianism, which counsels that a government's role should be limited at best. Governments should provide for a military, a police force, only basic taxation and the maintenance of roads and other infrastructure. Apart from that, they should get out of the way and let people, as the ideology explains, thrive on their own and let individuals be exactly that, individuals. It offers a very precise understanding of individual rights, but at the same time a very limited understanding of individual rights.

That ideology has been called into question. Some in the House will still embrace it, no doubt, namely my friends and colleagues in the Conservative Party. However, I do not think the ideas of libertarianism stand the test of the pandemic. In fact, what we have seen is an approach to crisis and emergency that makes clear the important and fundamental role that government can and must play in response to crises such as COVID-19. There is no doubt the future will hold other crises. There could be other pandemics in the future. We hope not, but it is very possible. Other crises are bound to strike, and the experience of COVID offers a blueprint of what government can do in response to such situations.

In my community of London, Ontario, one of the larger cities in the country, people rallied around one another. They deserve tremendous credit for the way they came together to address the problem of COVID, with neighbours reaching out to neighbours and people who had never even met making sure that their loved ones were taken care of. I am thinking of seniors, for example, who did not have the opportunity, as it would have been dangerous for them to go out, to get groceries and other necessities. They had neighbours whom they had never met stand up for them and do what was needed. That was an example during the pandemic of unity and of people standing up for one another and with one another.

At the same time, we saw governments at all levels step up. In the case of the federal government, a number of emergency programs were introduced so that people could get by and businesses could continue to exist. This is not speculation on my part.

The former governor of the Bank of Canada, Stephen Poloz, came to the finance committee a number of times. He has made very clear publicly since he left his role, and certainly when he held it, that had it not been for the emergency programs the government introduced, specifically the Canada emergency response benefit, the wage subsidy and the Canada emergency business account, or the CEBA, which provided substantial loans for businesses, the pandemic itself would have overwhelmed Canadian society and the economy. We may well have seen bread lines.

I put the question to the former governor about whether it would have been possible to see bread lines in Canadian communities such as London had it not been for those emergency programs, and he agreed. I invite colleagues to go back and look at what he said then and what he is saying now.

The government has a fundamental role to play, and Bill C-8 speaks to that. As far as Bill C-8 is concerned, there are a number of critical aspects relating to the pandemic. I am only going to speak about three.

First of all, there is the COVID-19 proof of vaccination fund. This would allocate funding for provinces and territories to implement proof of vaccination systems. Funding would go toward helping to pay for the establishment of proof-of-vaccination credential programs established by provinces and territories and also the issuing of proof of vaccination credentials to residents. There is $300 million allocated for this purpose if the bill passes, and I think it will. It certainly has the support of this side of the House. There is not a member, I think, who does not recognize the importance of helping provinces in this way, because they have also shouldered the burden. We have been there time and again to work with them on important programs such as the one I just mentioned.

Second, there is the safe return to class fund. As we remember, this was originally a $2-billion fund to help ensure the safe return to school. Under Bill C-8, a further $100 million would top up this fund to help with ventilation in classrooms, for example, for better air filtration for kids in schools. This is of fundamental importance. Another lesson of the pandemic is that schools, among other institutions, were not well enough equipped to deal with the emergency that COVID-19 spelled, so this funding would go to that very purpose.

Let me finally mention that the bill would allocate funding for helping with rapid test costs. Originally, we saw $1.72 billion allocated from the federal government to provinces so rapid tests could, first of all, be procured but also distributed, which is fundamental in dealing with COVID-19. Of course, rapid tests do not provide the answer, but they are a tool in the tool box as far as the pandemic is concerned. This is in addition to the $900 million that was already allocated for this purpose.

I will revise what I said. There is $1.72 billion in Bill C-8 for this purpose on top of the $900 million I just mentioned that was already sent to the provinces for this reason.

The point is that COVID-19 itself changed Canadian society. Its effects continue to be felt. Its effects will continue to be felt for years to come. We need to learn about that and will continue to analyze that, but also think deeply about the role of government in everyday life as we continue to deal with and grapple with the impact the pandemic had on each and every one of us.

I look forward to questions.

Ukraine March 2nd, 2022

Mr. Speaker, in 2017, I visited Ukraine as part of my work on the foreign affairs committee with colleagues.

We spoke with Ukrainian members of Parliament, political leadership and civil society organizations about the challenges facing their democracy and their hopes for the future.

One theme was constant, the threat posed to Ukraine by Vladimir Putin and his regime. That worry was echoed in meetings we held in Latvia and Poland as well. The rise of a right-wing populism in the west that treats security co-operation with suspicion only contributed to those fears.

Citizens concerned about the future could be heartened, however, by the way that democracies have come together in response to the actions of Russia. Coordination and co-operation have defined the response. Let this be a moment where a new path is created, one where the complacency and self-confidence that years of stability gave rise to in the west are replaced by a recognition that the ideals of democracy can easily be threatened when division reigns.

Slava Ukraini.

Russia's Attack on Ukraine February 28th, 2022

Madam Chair, I always appreciate the passion of the member, especially on this matter.

I think what Canada can do and ought to do, and I speak here as a member of Parliament but I join colleagues in this, is join other countries and explore exactly what has been suggested here. There is no doubt that the network of oligarchs in Russia has many assets abroad. If there are ways to address that and if there are ways to seize those assets and ensure they are not put to use by oligarchs who have surrounded the president to the detriment of the Russian people, then countries can discuss that and work among themselves for a resolution.

Russia's Attack on Ukraine February 28th, 2022

Madam Chair, the question of visa-free travel can be looked at and considered. I also point out to the hon. member that the government, in fact, has acted proactively, going back to January, by putting in place a plan to ensure that individuals in Ukraine who had applied to Canada for work permits, for example, would be given support to have their applications approved.

Individuals in Canada who are on a temporary resident visa, for example, or students will be able to stay longer for obvious reasons.

I think that all of us in the House look at those measures as entirely reasonable. We will continue to work together, I hope, to put to the government even more ideas about what can be done to ensure a reasonable approach that guides the way forward but one that has the well-being of all Ukrainians in mind at the forefront.

Russia's Attack on Ukraine February 28th, 2022

Madam Chair, to that last point, obviously it is a dangerous time. That goes without saying. Individuals will have to think very carefully about what they do. I know there has been enormous interest expressed by individuals not just in Canada but throughout other democracies in going to Ukraine and assisting in the form of a volunteer force.

We saw something quite similar materialize during the Spanish Civil War, among other examples, but that is the one that stands out. If individuals wish to make that kind of contribution, that is up to them, but of course I emphasize the point that it is a dangerous situation and individuals have to think responsibly about their own safety.

On the other two points that were raised, I would be happy to speak with the hon. member. He did not point to any specifics, but through an email or a chat I would be happy to hear more about the identified challenges that he points to and have a conversation.

Russia's Attack on Ukraine February 28th, 2022

Madam Chair, it is an honour for all of us tonight to come together and discuss this. I hesitate to use the word “debate”. It has been a very good discussion. We have seen a free exchange of ideas across the aisle. It is a testament to the fact that this issue does unify us.

Even in war, we find inspiration. We find so many examples of inspiration to draw upon in Ukraine, the way that its people and its leadership have stood up against the tyranny and carnage of the Russian regime and its president, Vladimir Putin. The people of Russia, it needs to be said, have shown enormous strength and courage. Let us make an important distinction between the regime of Putin and the Russian people. Thousands have been arrested. Thousands have been put into jail, and who knows what fate befalls them, but that courage needs to be recognized.

Canada has acted as it must. Sanctions against the Russian elite have been introduced, including against its president. Canada has come together with other countries, taking a leading role in helping bring countries together to block Russian banks from the SWIFT international payment system. Canada has also played a leading role in helping to bring countries together to support placing sanctions on Russia's central bank, and that is having an effect already. Canada is providing arms in the form of anti-tank weapons and ammunition, and as we saw yesterday, Canadian airspace has been closed to Russian aircraft.

We have contributed, but we must do more. We must do more for two primary reasons. Obviously, the bond between Canada and Ukraine is incredibly strong. There are many reasons for that, but I think migration is the key factor. Ukrainians have helped to build this country. There is no other way to put it. That is true particularly in western Canada, but it is also true in Ontario and it is true throughout the country.

I want to thank the Ukrainian community of London for its advocacy at this time. It has been a true honour to work with them to raise issues of concern in the past few weeks, and I will continue to do that. I know that members in this House feel the same way about their community leadership in their respective cities and towns.

I want to also point to the fact that Ukraine is at the front line. A colleague across the way who spoke about 20 minutes ago emphasized that Ukraine is now at the front line. He used those words “front line”. I go for that. Ukraine is indeed the front line of the battle against authoritarianism. It is the front line of where democracy has been put into question. We have a choice to make as western democracies and as elected representatives within western democracies on how this is going to be confronted.

Do we want to live in a world defined by the whim of a despot, or will we stand up, collectively, as individuals in this House, as democratic countries who believe in the rule of law, who believe in sovereignty, who believe in the rights-based and rules-based order that has defined the world and its international relations since World War II? That is precisely what is at threat. That is not hyperbole. That is not an exaggeration. It is the reality that faces us.

The need for democracy extends, though, beyond simply cherishing it as an inherent value. It is the great stabilizer in our politics not just domestically but internationally as well. It is a truism. It remains a truism that no two democracies have fought a war against one another. There is a whole theory around this called democratic peace theory. I only have about 30 seconds left, so I will not go into that. I can do it another time.

What I will say is that democracy as a stabilizer needs to be taken seriously. For that reason, I think we ought to look at putting more funding into our defence, of course, and helping promote democracy abroad. I was in Ukraine a few years ago and saw the great work that Canada has done in working with NGOs on the ground to promote democracy.

I look forward to questions.

Emergencies Act February 20th, 2022

Mr. Speaker, I have two questions. First of all, would the member acknowledge that the Emergencies Act brought in place by a Conservative government is subject to the charter? The charter still reigns supreme. Would she acknowledge that?

Second, how does she feel about the fact that the Conservative Party is now on the opposite side of this issue, not just with respect to where the government sits but also the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, the Ottawa police chief and the Conservative Premier of Ontario? All of these three have supported the government putting in place the Emergencies Act. How does she feel about those two things?

Emergencies Act February 20th, 2022

Madam Speaker, I would tell my colleague that I am quite interested in learning more about the bill. It was introduced by the member for New Westminster—Burnaby, if I am not mistaken. I will look at the details of it. I know it has raised interest in this House.

I have been very clear on what we saw in London a few days ago with respect to the raising of the Confederate flag. It is completely unacceptable. We have to be very mindful of the rise of white supremacy and far-right—

Emergencies Act February 20th, 2022

Madam Speaker, I took special care in my speech to emphasize the importance of the charter. As I said at the outset, the Emergencies Act is subject to it. It is time limited for a period of 30 days. It is geographically focused. If police need those powers, then those extra powers are available, but if they do not need them, they do not need to use them. Therefore, I do not know where the concern of the Bloc and Conservative members comes from when they say there is a threat to freedom and that the government has engaged in overreach here. We heard from the police. They needed the extra powers in order to push back against what was a clear threat to our democracy, and it looks like in the past few days there was success in that regard because of the invocation of the Emergencies Act.

Emergencies Act February 20th, 2022

Madam Speaker, with all due respect to my colleague who is just down the road from us in London. I know her and like her, but I do not know where to begin as there are so many things that she said that are outright false.

One point that I think has caught on among the public, because I have had a number of constituents who have asked about it, is the freezing of bank accounts. If there is such a worry that bank accounts will be frozen at will by the government, why is it that only 73 bank accounts have been frozen? Several thousand people came to Ottawa to support the convoy and there have been many donors, but only 73 bank accounts have been frozen.

Charter rights have not been suspended here. The Emergencies Act is subject entirely to the charter. I invite my hon. colleague to read the Emergencies Act. Perhaps she has not.