House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament June 2026, as Bloc MP for Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot—Acton (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2025, with 44% of the vote.

Statements in the House

An Act to Implement the Protocol on the Accession of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership October 28th, 2025

Madam Speaker, I want to start by thanking the Liberal government.

A few years from now, the Liberals are going to tell us that there is no guarantee that a new country will honour the agreements it was party to when it left a customs union that had previously negotiated those agreements. By supporting the United Kingdom's bid to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Liberals are showing us that the opposite is entirely possible. I am grateful to them because this will give them one less leg to stand on in the coming years when they fight our move toward sovereignty.

That being said, last week, we debated Bill C‑228, a Bloc Québécois bill that would improve transparency. We were told that there was no need for it because there is already a policy that provides for a 21-day period after an agreement is tabled and before a bill is introduced, but the Liberals just violated that policy. The proof is that the bill was introduced 15 days later.

Does my colleague agree that we need a law rather than a policy, and that we now have proof of that?

Canada's International Development Assistance October 22nd, 2025

Mr. Speaker, this is an important issue, especially in these troubled times, these times of crisis, these global hard times. The world is changing in potentially dangerous ways. However, we should not overlook the fact that the global issues of misery, poverty, exploitation and violence have never been completely eradicated at any point in history. Too often, most of the time in fact, they fall through the cracks of public debate.

There has never been an era of endless prosperity. The grand assurances of the 1990s that globalization would lift the planet out of poverty have not become reality. As we can see today, the promises of a bright future have not actually come to pass. We are still living in one of the darkest and most difficult times, despite everything. Given the rather explosive and challenging global context we are seeing today, it is easy to see and safe to say that we are not where we thought we would be.

In his speech earlier, my colleague from Lac-Saint-Jean mentioned aspects that extend beyond humanitarian assistance. I will come back to humanitarian assistance and to the motion in a moment. We need to keep in mind that a motion is non-binding. It is always better to have one than to have none at all, but it is better still to have an effective policy, an actual law with binding force on governments, especially when our confidence in the government is so low. A while ago, my colleague said that the government funds a number of Canadian mining companies operating abroad that are guilty of exploitation. I would like to talk about that a little.

We heard from representatives of Export Development Canada a few times in committee. They are not entirely sure where the money is going. It is nominally intended to support development and wealth creation, but no one checks whether human rights abuses are being committed over there.

While participating in human rights observation missions in Chile and Colombia, I met with populations that had been harmed by Canadian mining companies. Often, these mining companies are not actually Canadian, but they register in Canada because it is extremely easy and because Canada is a flag of convenience. They also register as Canadian companies to benefit from the legal, tax and speculative advantages that come with being listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange. I met with people who had suffered due to air and water pollution and people who had been subjected to violence. I myself witnessed a private security system in Colombia stopping people from crossing public land.

Canada is a haven for mining companies, especially since there is no real ombudsperson. The ombudsperson's complaints office cannot compel the production of documents or compel witnesses to appear. This shows that Canada will not be able to restore its reputation in international assistance simply by proposing motions. It should start by cleaning up its own backyard.

Let us get back to the motion. As we have said, we support it. We know that the government has been spending for many years. We are not against the idea of spending. We ourselves advocate a certain minimum level of spending on humanitarian aid, but it is important to measure the impact of that spending. Take, for example, the so-called feminist international assistance policy. Of course, we fully support the principle, but there are no checks and balances in place to ensure that the money spent will achieve the goal. We are not the ones saying this; it is the Auditor General.

While international assistance must sometimes be delivered through agencies or organizations like the Red Cross and the World Food Programme, for example, spending on individuals or businesses should be limited in order to avoid waste. We should also look for potential benefits for Quebeckers and Canadians, where possible, and not just economic benefits.

For example, funding for French-language education programs in Africa could help improve the vitality of the French language on that continent. This would also have positive repercussions on the status of French in Quebec, if we are to continue taking in so many immigrants from these areas. This could improve the vitality of French in Quebec and in the rest of Canada.

This is an example of something we can fund that will benefit people here at home, but it does not mean that it is strictly an economic benefit that can be calculated clearly and spontaneously using indicators.

There are also countries like Chile, which, as we know, uses international assistance to advance its economic interests. Sorry, I meant to say “China”. It was a slip of the tongue, although Chile is not one of the most reputable regimes either, and China also has interests in Chile. Anyway, take the example of China and the new silk road. This is a system that has evolved constantly, as we know. It was supposed to be only a few sectors at first, but more and more were added, and it became very digital. The new silk road has really shifted toward technology and digital infrastructure.

A number of developing countries, including African countries, see this in a positive light. Now, we also know that these countries are receiving crumbs from the west, which also explains China's ideological appeal in Africa. It is extremely appealing to African regimes. However, the conditions attached to the assistance continue to generate strong criticism, and for good reason. I have no qualms about describing these conditions as unfair. China is investing heavily in developing countries. It is building ports and roads, rail lines and infrastructure to secure its own supply of raw materials. When countries are unable to repay their debt, China, the lender, repossesses the infrastructure and resources.

Ultimately, this allows China to gain the same advantages that large metropolises once derived from their colonies, without necessarily encountering the same disadvantages. It gets to have its cake and eat it too. In addition, China usually imposes a 99-year lease to maintain control over the infrastructure. This is a real problem, and it is something that should be monitored. We have to be wary, because I do not think anyone here is particularly keen on the idea of a new colonialism, like the Canadian neo-colonialism that mining companies are already engaging in. Now it could expanded, if assistance is viewed purely as an economic proposition. Fortunately, I am extremely pleased that the proposed amendment to the motion was accepted.

It should also be noted that the Liberals have achieved a remarkable feat: They have done less than Stephen Harper's government in terms of international aid. This was evident when Canada failed miserably to secure a seat on the UN Security Council after its last-minute campaign in 2020, a failure that, according to several experts, can be largely explained by Canada's abandonment of humanitarian aid. We reap what we sow. Canada is very far from reaching its target of investing 0.7% of gross national income in international aid. Instead, it is hovering around 0.3%. In fact, Canada even reduced aid in its 2023 budget.

When I say we reap what we sow, I think this motion may be the beginning of something, and that is interesting to me. We hope that it will not just be a symbolic motion. Luckily, we were able to put to rest the ridiculous notion of humanitarian aid being justified by purely economic gain. I am happy about that for the reasons I explained earlier. Now, there are so many other things to look at. Let me dispel the notion that Canada is still driven by the lofty ideals of peacekeeping. That is no longer Canada's role. It is no longer the envy of the world. We saw that even during the recent pandemic, when there was a vote at the World Trade Organization to lift patents on vaccines. Canada was among the countries that blocked this, that voted against it.

Canada can be a humanitarian country, but it can also be quick to jump into bed with multinationals, depending on where its interests lie. I have already talked about mining companies. I also talked about the idea of having an ombudsman. Canada has a lot of housekeeping to do before it can claim to be a great champion of humanitarian aid.

Canada's International Development Assistance October 22nd, 2025

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. Could you please ask members who are not interested in the speech to take their conversations outside?

Strengthening Canada's Immigration System and Borders Act October 22nd, 2025

Madam Speaker, there are fairly significant differences of opinion between the Bloc Québécois and the NDP but, on the issue of workers' rights, I think we can often find common ground.

In this particular case, a customs union has commented on the bill, saying that they have been making demands for many years yet nobody is listening to them and they are not being consulted, either on this matter or in several others, which has led to the disastrous results we are now familiar with.

Does my colleague agree that the government should listen more closely to the union representing the workers who make sure our borders are secure, day in and day out?

Strengthening Canada's Immigration System and Borders Act October 22nd, 2025

Mr. Speaker, I would like to know if my colleague agrees with us and with the customs officers' union. We all agree that there is a staffing problem. It is all well and good to say that staffing levels are going to be increased. It is time to do it. I am not minimizing the issue. There is a staffing problem; there is a staff shortage.

Does my colleague agree that Canada Border Services Agency officers should be allowed to patrol between border crossings? It is not a matter of doing the RCMP's job for them, but about bringing more operational flexibility.

Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act October 21st, 2025

Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to rise this evening as the Bloc Québécois critic for international trade to speak to Bill C‑228. This bill, which I think is very important, seeks to strengthen transparency and parliamentary oversight around trade agreements. Ottawa's lack of transparency in these matters is downright monarchical.

I have been here for six years, and as my colleagues have said, not once have we voted on a trade agreement. We have always voted on bills to implement agreements. This means that it is virtually impossible to amend them and they are always tabled under very tight deadlines.

I also find it somewhat ironic to hear people saying that we have a policy on treaty-making. Apparently, because we have had this wonderful policy since 2008, everything is fine. I find it ironic to hear that today considering that the policy was violated just a few days ago. This policy, which is not a law and is therefore non-binding by definition, normally provides for a 21-day period between the announcement of the content of an agreement and the introduction of a bill. However, the bill on the protocol on the United Kingdom's entry into the Trans-Pacific Partnership was introduced after only 15 days, so I find it very funny to hear today that this policy is perfect when it was not even respected just a few days ago. In other words, perhaps they need to find a better argument. Let us get the message across to them.

Whatever the issue and whatever the political leanings of the government, Ottawa does not appreciate its opponents scrutinizing its actions too closely. When it comes to trade agreements, secrecy is the name of the game. Canada is living up to its monarchical tradition by keeping the agreements it signs under wraps, no doubt for fear that they would fall apart under scrutiny, much like a vampire exposed to the sun.

As a member of Parliament, I experienced this in December 2020. I was on the Standing Committee on International Trade and we were asked to study the proposed free trade agreement between Canada and the United Kingdom but without seeing the text of the agreement. Who would have thought that possible? We heard from witnesses, senior officials and representatives of organizations. Their recommendation was to adopt the agreement, despite concerns about this thing or that. At one point, I raised my hand to say that I had not read the agreement. I asked the witnesses if they had information I did not have. One by one, they each told me that they did not know, that they had not received any information. Is that not unbelievable? It really was a theatre of the absurd. Only in Canada could such a thing happen.

When Canada's foreign affairs department was created in 1909, the minister was supposed to table before Parliament an annual report on the department's operations. This report would logically include an overview of Canada's international discussions and commitments. This was somewhat of an attempt to demonstrate the beginnings of a desire for transparency. In 1995, at the height of globalization, the department's act was amended to give the minister a freer hand by granting him jurisdiction over international trade, to the detriment of Parliament. The 1909 annual reporting requirement was abolished in 1995.

I will take another look back in time. In 1926, the House of Commons passed a resolution stating that “...before His Majesty's Canadian Ministers advise ratification of a treaty or convention affecting Canada, or signify acceptance of any treaty, convention or agreement involving military or economic sanctions, the approval of the parliament of Canada should be secured.” That is what was passed, but in actual fact, this practice was applied unevenly for 40 years until it was finally abandoned in 1966. A parliament worthy of the name should adopt procedures aimed at increasing the level of democratic control over agreements.

My political party, the Bloc Québécois, introduced seven bills on the procedure for reaching agreements between 1999 and 2004, requiring the minister responsible for the ratification of an agreement to table it in Parliament, along with an explanatory memorandum, within a reasonable time frame, and requiring the approval of members of Parliament before any ratification. As a result of the Bloc Québécois's efforts, it is now policy that an explanatory memorandum be submitted within a reasonable time before an agreement is ratified by elected members, but no government has ever had the courage to create binding legislation. As I said, this policy was violated just a few days ago, yet they have the gall to use that as an argument today. It is unbelievable.

As a result, the government can act arbitrarily, as the Liberals have just done once again. We are certainly not a British regime where Parliament is supposed to have partial veto rights over ratifications. While fundamentally desirable despite being ridiculously inadequate, this policy consisting in asking members what they think after the fact could be a means of controlling Parliament. Rather than really involving members in the drafting of international agreements, this policy is merely an instrument to sound out the opposition parties' position, since they are presented with a finished product that is all ready to go.

Some parliaments around the world even consult elected members before starting negotiations to obtain mandates on sectors to be promoted or protected. That is vastly different from what we have here. The United States, for example, has a law that protects the sugar sector, while the European Union frequently holds votes to ask its members what they would like to see protected, promoted or, conversely, removed from the table. The principle makes sense. Members of Parliament are elected by the public to represent the interests and values of their constituents. Given its lack of transparency before, during and after trade negotiations, Canada has a long way to go when it comes to involving members of Parliament in the process. It also falls far short when it comes to involving the provinces. However, this is another issue that the current bill does not address. Nevertheless, it shows how ridiculous Ottawa is when it comes to democracy and transparency.

The way the process works in Canada can be summarized as follows: First, cabinet unilaterally adopts the mandate and keeps it secret. Second, the Canadian negotiators report only to the federal executive branch and are not accountable to anyone regarding the status of discussions. When they appear before the Standing Committee on International Trade, they tell us next to nothing, regardless of whether the meeting is in camera or public. Third, the government alone ends the negotiations and signs the final text before sharing it with anyone. Fourth, public debate can only begin once negotiations have concluded. At that point, the signed text is impossible to change. Parliament is essentially relegated to the role of rubber-stamping the treaty. It never votes on or debates the treaty itself, but rather an implementation bill. Ultimately, we can change next to nothing or nothing at all. We end up with an implementation bill that is a few pages long for treaties that can sometimes be 5,000 pages long.

Parliament simply adopts the changes to the laws that will allow the treaty to come into force. During the study of the bill, any amendment that would affect the draft treaty is ruled out of order because it is only the implementation bill. I find it unfortunate that our Conservative friends are opposed to our bill, as far as we know, because virtually all of their proposed amendments to the free trade bill with Ukraine were rejected and ruled out of order. I voted against the Conservatives' proposed amendments, because I disagreed with them. However, each time they were ruled out of order, I still voted with the Conservatives in committee to challenge the chair's decision, because it seemed logical to me that these proposals should still be debated and put forward.

Today, the Conservatives are defending the same policy that prevented them from changing anything back then. What a brilliant move. Ultimately, Parliament ends up doing its job with a knife to its throat, and that is what—

Customs Act October 21st, 2025

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-251, An Act to amend the Customs Act and the Customs Tariff (forced labour and child labour).

Mr. Speaker, only one shipment from all regions of origin combined has been seized and detained at Canadian customs due to the use of forced labour in the manufacturing of the products it contained.

In contrast, the United States has seized millions of U.S. dollars' worth of goods arriving from a single region of origin. One thing cannot be denied: The Canadian model is a failure. The Liberal government must be aware of this, since it committed to tabling a similar bill before the end of the year in the 2023 and 2024 budgets, and yet it did not do so.

I am therefore pleased to table this bill today, which will emulate the U.S. model in that the importer will bear the burden of proving that goods originating from certain entities were not produced using forced labour. That is what is in effect in the United States, and this system is working very well. We do not want our goods to be tainted with blood.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Military Justice System Modernization Act October 8th, 2025

Mr. Speaker, how does my colleague explain the fact that we have always tolerated the absurd situation in which those responsible for adjudicating cases of potential misconduct in the military are the senior military officers themselves?

Does he consider this to be odd?

Military Justice System Modernization Act October 8th, 2025

Mr. Speaker, what does my colleague think about General Vance's statement that he had nothing to fear because he controlled the judicial process?

How did we get to this point, where a person in authority believes he is above the rules, above the law, and safe from punishment because judgments involving military personnel are under the control of the military high command itself?

Military Justice Modernization Act October 8th, 2025

Mr. Speaker, in her speech, my colleague did a good job summarizing the Bloc Québécois's position, which is what I will be standing up for at the Standing Committee on National Defence when this bill is studied there, probably soon.

In short, we are thinking that it is about time. We will not say it is too little, too late. It took a while, but at least there is something now. While it is far from perfect, we applaud the intent.

What does my colleague think about how long this took and the fact that General Vance was able to be hired, reappointed and even given a raise, by bipartisan consensus, when there were known internal allegations of misconduct?