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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was officers.

Last in Parliament March 2011, as Conservative MP for Okanagan—Coquihalla (B.C.)

Won his last election, in 2008, with 58% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply May 31st, 2001

Madam Speaker, in response to the hon. member, there is an equity even in terms of how certain agricultural policy is applied. We have proposed a number of very clear initiatives that would help the entire agricultural community, regardless of whether they are so-called have or have not provinces.

First, there needs to be an aggressive initiative on the part of the federal government to negotiate downward with the United States and the EU community the subsidies which right now put us at a competitive disadvantage. For instance, it has not put together the leveraging power of the Cairns Group of countries on the agricultural side to pressure the United States. The federal government needs to do that.

It also needs to deal with the question of the Canadian Wheat Board. There is an inequity among provinces. The Canadian Wheat Board binds western provinces to market their grain through that wheat board, not having the choice or the ability for alternate sources of marketing. Ontario and Quebec are not bound by that. In fact, a farmer wanting to look at value-added processing would have to sell his or her product to the wheat board, buy it back at a higher rate and also add in the grain transportation cost even though there might not be any transport of the grain. That needs to be dealt with.

In terms of grain transportation, efficiency and market realities have to be put into the grain transportation system.

On the tax side, the taxes on farmers and on agricultural business have to be significantly reduced so we get the value added going in. The agriculture fees the federal government charges need to be reduced; $300 million alone just on the fertilizer. As well, diesel costs, excise tax and the GST on fuels should be lowered so the government is not taxing on tax. Those are a number of things that need to be done in the agricultural community.

Supply May 31st, 2001

Madam Speaker, the ability of the provinces to continue to finance their programs under CHST, especially health care, is critically important. I can answer the hon. member's question by repeating the Canadian Alliance position, especially related to health care.

Not only should we maintain the five principles of the Canada Health Act, but we should add a sixth principle which would legislate the funding level for health below which the federal government could not go. That would put in place the assurance our citizens need that we would not see for political purposes the arbitrary reduction of the value of that portion.

Therefore, we would be not only supporting the cash transfer, but also the minimal level and restoring the full amount of the cash transfer, which still has not been done to the 1994-95 levels. Therefore, restore it to those levels and put into law the principle of a legislated amount below which the federal government could not go.

Supply May 31st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, the question is good. Because of the time allotted for this particular debate, I do not want to depart from the importance of the subject of the tax point transfer.

We will address the question of the MP pension plan because that is a transfer of cash to members of parliament, and citizens really want to know where we stand on that. It is a very important issue, but I do not want to deflect from this issue of calling together the provinces to talk about transferring the tax points to them, which the federal Liberal government took away some years ago.

Supply May 31st, 2001

Madam Speaker, at the start of my comments I advise that I will be splitting my time today with the member for Lanark—Carleton.

Relating to the response and the question we have just heard, the British Columbia government passed a requirement that for healthy, employable people moving into the province, and it was very clear on that, there would be a three month residency requirement before they could access social services. That was the B.C. government supported by its population.

Because it ran counter to federal Liberal philosophy that the program should be available even to healthy, able-bodied people, the government put pressure on the B.C. government and said that it would fine that government every day the policy was in place. That was in direct contradiction to the democratic request of the people of British Columbia.

If we asked most Canadians whether there should be some kind of stipulation for healthy, employable people not to be able to immediately access social welfare programs, I think most would agree that there should be some kind of regulation and would not be in agreement with the federal Liberals.

It gives me great pleasure to rise today to concur with the Bloc Quebecois on the motion. I am being very careful in saying that. It is not often I am able to do so. On many issues such as the great question of national unity we do not agree with the Bloc, but wherever possible, as is the Canadian way, we strive to find common ground and proceed from there.

Today we are telling the government there is a common ground. We are asking the government to meet with the provinces to discuss the transfer of tax points.

The transfer of tax points was actually our policy before the formation of the Canadian Alliance. During the last election campaign the Canadian Alliance once again made the proposal to transfer more tax points to the provinces. It is therefore appropriate that we call upon the government to meet with the provinces to discuss, at the very least, the next step in a process which was begun by the Liberals in 1977. With the usual glacier-like speed of government we are trying to get the issue addressed.

All stakeholders should meet to discuss such a change because it affects all provinces. Therefore it should not be done unilaterally as the federal Liberals like to do on too many occasions. It is important to hear from all provinces so the merits and demerits can be properly considered.

Governments across Canada want to provide comparable services to all their citizens, regardless of where they live. We want these principles to be upheld; they are part of the Canadian tradition.

Allow me to put the issue in context by making an historical reference. The Rowell-Sirois commission, which was struck in 1937, made a proposal that only the dominion should levy income taxes. Although the proposal was initially rejected, when the war broke out it was adopted by the provinces strictly as a wartime measure. The provinces abandoned their income taxes and in return were supposed to receive unconditional payments to compensate them for that lost revenue.

In its agreements with each province the federal government undertook that at the end of the war it would reduce federal taxes so as again to create room for the provinces to resume levying their income taxes. In 1977 the Liberal government of the day ceded back to the provinces some of the tax room that the federal government had taken away. However the arrangement has been frozen since 1977.

The compromises provincial governments had to make 50 years ago to support the war effort must be recognized. The current Liberal government must act accordingly. We are not asking it to be generous, not at all, rather we are asking it to give back to the provinces the powers that are rightfully theirs.

A further transfer of tax points would also address two fundamental problems. The first is the present mismatch between the responsibilities of the provinces and the power they have to tax.

Last year three noted economists wrote a paper arguing that there “is a fundamental mismatch between the taxing power of the federal government and its restricted spending jurisdiction”. That is, the federal government simply takes in too much money compared to its constitutional responsibilities. It is an imbalance.

That generates the political problem of democratic accountability, since the government that raises the taxes, in this case the federal government, does not actually spend the money. Instead, the federal government transfers cash back to the provinces in the form of the Canada health and social transfer.

This means the federal government can cut the transfer arbitrarily, as the federal Liberals have done throughout their time in office. It has been their consistent approach. This has forced provinces to make drastic cuts in their areas of social spending, notably health care, and also undergo the consequent displeasure of the electorate. If the government does not transfer the full amount of resource, then provinces have to cutback and experience voter displeasure.

The CHST is still lower today than when the Liberals came to power eight years ago. They have removed a cumulative $25 billion from the CHST, but since they do not deliver the programs funded by the CHST the provinces then wrongly take the political blame for those cutbacks.

A further tax point transfer would help to realign democratic accountability, and that is what we are talking about. No longer would the federal government be able to reduce funding unilaterally and then place the blame for cutbacks on the provinces, as the federal Liberals have done consistently in the past.

The second problem is a related one. It simply has to do with trust. For the last seven years the federal government has rejected its responsibility for health, social and post-secondary education spending. As a matter of fact, it has spent over $100 billion on grants and contributions, while sacrificing the most important social programs which Canadians want.

Canadians are asking us how the federal government can then be trusted in the future to preserve that which is most valuable to Canadians? There is a lack of trust because of the history of the federal Liberals in this area. I believe that if the federal government feels it is necessary it will again act in a cynical, political way to abandon health care, if it is health care where the pressure is, or off-load cuts to education and social assistance to the provinces in order to preserve other items for their own public image. That has been their past history. I believe we run the risk of seeing that to be their future performance.

The present system of fiscal transfers encourages federal irresponsibility. The logical step to restore confidence and trust in the security of funding for our social programs is to realign the taxing power with the spending power, as indicated in our constitution, to make sure the government, which has the constitutional responsibility to deliver program, also has the power to go to its electorate to raise the money to pay for the program.

Can we trust the provinces? That is the next fair question. I believe we can. We can trust the provinces because those governments are all returned to office, or replaced and new ones brought in, by the very electors who share a broad democratic consensus for the need to have strong support for the social programs, especially health care. I remind the House that while the federal government was cutting over $6 billion per year from cash transfers for health, the provinces were increasing health care spending. They have proven their level of trust. They have earned the trust of Canadians and the government has not.

The issue of tax point transfers enjoys broad support among not only the provinces, but also the opposition parties in the House of Commons.

This area is one of great concern, as we have indicated. In 1997 Jean Charest's platform promised to convert $12.5 billion in CHST cash transfers to tax points in exchange for reaching a covenant defining federal and provincial roles in supporting health, post-secondary education and social programs.

This is an excellent position, which we fully support and about which we continue to be in agreement with Mr. Charest.

Accordingly we were very surprised and disappointed last week when we read what the current Conservative leader had told Le Soleil . I want to quote from the article:

Bernard Landry faces an uphill battle in bringing Ottawa to agree to the transfer of tax points to the provinces. Even the Conservative leader is refusing to get involved in this fight. For the time being, in any case, it is not one of his priorities. Therefore he will not champion it in the House of Commons or anywhere else in Canada.

That is why we support the Bloc motion.

National Defence May 30th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, they will not be able to do the same work, and that is very clear.

The safety of Canada's military personnel is being jeopardized by the aging fleet and also by what it appears the government will be ordering.

We need to send a signal not only to our NATO partners but, more important, to our military personnel that we support our armed forces in this country.

Why is the Prime Minister allowing the possible purchase of helicopters that will not even be able to perform as well as the 40 year old fleet that is there now?

National Defence May 30th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, a fleet of helicopters is essential to our defence as well as to rescue operations.

Yesterday, the government promised us that there was no political interference in the contract awarding process.

Will the Prime Minister admit in the House what everyone already suspects, which is that he cancelled, at considerable expense, the EH-101 helicopter contract negotiated by the Progressive Conservatives eight years ago, and now he is preventing this same company from getting the contract?

National Defence May 30th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, despite the government's assurances to the contrary, we now know that the process to acquire new helicopters has actually been riddled with political interference.

The vice-chief of defence staff has instructed military planners to ensure that the new helicopters would not even have the combat capability of the aging 40 year old Sea Kings. Even the Federal Court of Canada says that there has been “patent politicization” of this process.

Why has the government interfered in this important process?

National Defence May 29th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, seven years ago in the Prime Minister's own white paper he said that this was an urgent need. Is that his definition of urgency? We believe this is an urgent need.

Will the government send a message to members of Canada's military personnel that we support them in their desire to be all they can be and to be the best they can be? Will he personally take this on and get an immediate resolution of this issue?

National Defence May 29th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, apparently no decision has yet been made in terms of the current fleet. However we learned this week that the government is now facing criticism for appearing to politicize the requirements of replacing the new helicopter and actually suggesting that these replacement helicopters will be less capable than the very ones they are replacing which are 40 years old.

We would like to know from the Prime Minister if the decision has actually been made already and will the new helicopters be actually less capable than the 40 year old replacements.

National Defence May 29th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, most Canadians know that our nation's military is in dire need of more resources and more attention. An example of this is our maritime helicopter fleet which plays a vital role not just in defence but also in search and rescue.

The Prime Minister casually cancelled the EH-101 contract which the federal Tories negotiated back in 1993. Since then we are learning that his officials have been rewriting the requirements in such a way that some have suggested it is an attempt to exclude EH Industries bid from the process altogether.

Will the Prime Minister assure the House today that all contenders will be dealt with fairly, openly and free from political experience so that we can send the message that—