I'm not sure what kind of policy ramification this has. It is somewhat counterintuitive and interesting. It's exactly what Professor Momani was pointing to, which is that, in fact, the more politicized Shiite clerics tend to be more open to cooperation with Sunni forces. Traditionalist, quietist Shiite clerics, who may reject the role of clergy or even the role of religion in government, tend to be more anti-Sunni. That's something to keep in mind.
I don't know exactly how that can be reflected in policy, but it is certainly worth noting that some of the forces that you would think to be more radical, and which possibly even played a role in radicalizing the Sunni population in Iraq, are more likely to be useful, you could say, co-belligerents going forward.