Tax Conventions Implementation Act, 2013

An Act to implement conventions, protocols, agreements and a supplementary convention, concluded between Canada and Namibia, Serbia, Poland, Hong Kong, Luxembourg and Switzerland, for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes

This bill was last introduced in the 41st Parliament, 1st Session, which ended in September 2013.

Status

This bill has received Royal Assent and is now law.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament often publishes better independent summaries.

This enactment implements four recent tax treaties that Canada has concluded with Namibia, Serbia, Poland and Hong Kong. This enactment also implements amendments to provisions for the exchange of tax information found in the tax treaties that Canada has concluded with Luxembourg and Switzerland.
The tax treaties with Namibia, Serbia, Poland and Hong Kong are generally patterned on the Model Tax Convention on Income and on Capital developed by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The amendments to the treaties with Luxembourg and Switzerland ensure that their provisions for the exchange of tax information reflect the current OECD standard on this matter.
Tax treaties have two main objectives: the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion. Since a tax treaty provides relief from taxation rules in the Income Tax Act, it becomes effective only after being given precedence over domestic legislation by an Act of Parliament such as this one. Finally, for each instrument implemented by this Act to become effective, it must be ratified after the enactment of this Act.

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from the Library of Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Votes

June 10, 2013 Passed That, in relation to Bill S-17, An Act to implement conventions, protocols, agreements and a supplementary convention, concluded between Canada and Namibia, Serbia, Poland, Hong Kong, Luxembourg and Switzerland, for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes, not more than five further hours shall be allotted to the consideration of the second reading stage of the Bill; and that at the expiry of the five hours provided for the consideration of the second reading stage of the said Bill, any proceedings before the House shall be interrupted, if required for the purpose of this Order, and, in turn, every question necessary for the disposal of the said stage of the Bill shall be put forthwith and successively, without further debate or amendment.

June 19th, 2013 / 4:20 p.m.
See context

Conservative

The Speaker Conservative Andrew Scheer

I have the honour to inform the House that when the House did attend His Excellency the Governor General in the Senate chamber, His Excellency was pleased to give, in Her Majesty's name, the royal assent to certain bills:

C-321, An Act to amend the Canada Post Corporation Act (library materials)—Chapter 10, 2013.

C-37, An Act to amend the Criminal Code—Chapter 11, 2013.

C-383, An Act to amend the International Boundary Waters Treaty Act and the International River Improvements Act—Chapter 12, 2013.

S-9, An Act to amend the Criminal Code—Chapter 13, 2013.

C-47, An Act to enact the Nunavut Planning and Project Assessment Act and the Northwest Territories Surface Rights Board Act and to make related and consequential amendments to other Acts —Chapter 14, 2013.

C-309, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (concealment of identity)—Chapter 15, 2013.

C-43, An Act to amend the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act—Chapter 16, 2013.

S-213, An Act respecting a national day of remembrance to honour Canadian veterans of the Korean War—Chapter 17, 2013.

C-42, An Act to amend the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act and to make related and consequential amendments to other Acts—Chapter 18, 2013.

S-209, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (prize fights)—Chapter 19, 2013.

S-2, An Act respecting family homes situated on First Nation reserves and matrimonial interests or rights in or to structures and lands situated on those reserves—Chapter 20, 2013.

S-8, An Act respecting the safety of drinking water on First Nation lands—Chapter 21, 2013.

C-63, An Act for granting to Her Majesty certain sums of money for the federal public administration for the financial year ending March 31, 2014—Chapter 22, 2013.

C-64, An Act for granting to Her Majesty certain sums of money for the federal public administration for the financial year ending March 31, 2014—Chapter 23, 2013.

C-15, An Act to amend the National Defence Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts—Chapter 24, 2013.

C-62, An Act to give effect to the Yale First Nation Final Agreement and to make consequential amendments to other Acts—Chapter 25, 2013.

S-14, An Act to amend the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act—Chapter 26, 2013.

S-17, An Act to implement conventions, protocols, agreements and a supplementary convention, concluded between Canada and Namibia, Serbia, Poland, Hong Kong, Luxembourg and Switzerland, for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes—Chapter 27, 2013.

S-15, An Act to amend the Canada National Parks Act and the Canada-Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and to make consequential amendments to the Canada Shipping Act, 2001—Chapter 28, 2013.

It being 4:24 p.m., the House stands adjourned until Monday, September 16, 2013, at 11 a.m., pursuant to Standing Orders 28(2) and 24(1).

(The House adjourned at 4:24 p.m.)

FinanceCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

June 17th, 2013 / 3:05 p.m.
See context

Conservative

James Rajotte Conservative Edmonton—Leduc, AB

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to table, in both official languages, the 21st report of the Standing Committee on Finance on Bill S-17, An Act to implement conventions, protocols, agreements and a supplementary convention, concluded between Canada and Namibia, Serbia, Poland, Hong Kong, Luxembourg and Switzerland, for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes.

The committee has studied the bill and has decided to report the bill back to the House without amendment

Mr. Speaker, if you would just allow me, this bill was done in a very quick period. I would like to thank all three political parties in that committee, all members of that committee, for coming together in a very quick period. I would also like to thank all committee staff, especially our clerk, Christine, for all her efforts in putting this together very quickly.

June 17th, 2013 / 1:20 p.m.
See context

Conservative

The Chair Conservative James Rajotte

Mr. Hsu, do you have a comment on clause by clause? Okay.

Ms. Glover's time is up.

I don't have a certain time for clause by clause, so it depends.... We just have to finish the meeting by 2 p.m.

Monsieur Caron, is it a final round here then? I'm being very generous as chair, but we're really straying way beyond Bill S-17 in a lot of our questions and answers.

So if it's something germane to S-17....

June 17th, 2013 / 1:15 p.m.
See context

Chartered Accountant, Tax Expert, Tax Policy Specialist, Author, As an Individual

Brigitte Alepin

I said in the opening statement, as you said, that I do not support Bill S-17. But at the close of my statement, I said that although I do not support it, I do realize that all the energy we are investing in trying to implement this system and the energy we are investing in trying to oppose it, as we presently do, may be a waste of time, considering the fact that maybe we should proceed in another way if we really want to stop this unfair system, whereby only a small group of taxpayers can take legal advantage of tax havens.

June 17th, 2013 / 1:10 p.m.
See context

Conservative

Shelly Glover Conservative Saint Boniface, MB

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

We've talked an awful lot outside the scope of Bill S-17. Mr. Howlett has in particular.

You continue to talk about G-8, Mr. Howlett, and you speculate as to what may or may not occur. I always enjoy listening to you. I particularly enjoy when you make reference to my policing background, as you did with regard to search warrants. But one thing I might say is that when we receive information that leads to a search warrant, it's not obviously public, but it is recorded information, as far as informants go.

So as you sit here today and refer to, you know, “I've heard people in the U.S. say”, or “I've heard other countries say this about what Canada's proposing to do at G-8”, I take issue with it, because you haven't divulged who said this.

To be very frank with you, it's somewhat selective listening, so I'd like you to hear once again what the Prime Minister himself said about the G-8, which you haven't referenced. You have referenced people you haven't identified, but here in fact is what the Prime Minister of Canada said just yesterday.

The question by the reporter was about the fact that combatting international tax evasion would be one of the main themes discussed at the G-8 summit, with two key issues: the public registry on beneficial ownership and the automatic tax information-sharing agreements. The reporter asked the Prime Minister to give his thoughts or reservations, if any, on either of these two particular issues.

Here's what the Right Hon. Stephen Harper had to say about those two things, which you've talked about at great length here today, sir, without ever referencing this.

Here's what he said, and of course I'm reading from the transcript:

We’re very supportive of all three Ts of Prime Minister Cameron’s agenda.

The three Ts, of course, as everyone knows, are tax, trade, and transparency.

He goes on to say:

You know, tax evasion, there’s no upside to tax evasion. It’s bad policy, it’s bad politics, and governments lose revenue that governments should be getting.

He continued that we obviously believe in low tax rates in Canada, but that people need to pay the tax rates that we actually have. He added:

The only reservation we will obviously express is that in terms of implementation in Canada, we’re going to have to consult with our provinces because we are a federal state and they have taxation powers.

....It is important that we do it and that we do it together because when we’re dealing with tax evasion, we’re dealing with problems that cross borders. Even the most powerful governments of the world can’t deal with these things by themselves so I look forward to being part of the declaration and to making progress on this as we leave the summit.

I hear Mr. Rankin asking whether or not I have a question for him.

My intervention is basically to correct the record, sir, because you have mentioned absolutely nothing about what the Prime Minister of Canada has said. He has clearly said he intends to address the things that you question whether or not he intends to address.

So I think it's beneficial for Canadians to hear exactly what the Prime Minister of Canada has said, and to ask you, sir, to please divulge who these informants are that you continue to say have said he will not address it.

June 17th, 2013 / 1 p.m.
See context

NDP

Murray Rankin NDP Victoria, BC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I think I'd like to ask Mr. Howlett a question first, and perhaps invite Mr. Deneault to respond, if he would.

I'd like to explore the relationship, as you did, between Bill S-17 and these double-taxation treaties and shell companies, and therefore beneficial ownership. You spoke a little bit about that, about the use of setting up shell companies and tax havens without knowing who the beneficial owners are of the shares of those companies. In a sense, my question is this: is there anything in these double-taxation treaties to address the problem of shell companies that you identified?

June 17th, 2013 / 12:55 p.m.
See context

Prof. Arthur Cockfield

I am.

I raised concerns about these additional amendments, or protocols, or whatever you call them. They'll become part of Canadian law once Parliament adopts Bill S-17. Traditionally, you negotiate a treaty, and then you might have a protocol to amend the treaty, but these are notes that in any event are going to be part of the law, and they cut back on article 26 of the OECD model tax treaty.

As I mentioned, the commentary pursuant to this article says that it should envision three types of information exchange, whereas we have new language in these amendments, with the three treaties at least, that suggests we will only use information upon request. Again, that's understandable, given the bargaining power of each side and what Canada is trying to achieve. But for these amendments, presumably the parties would not have entered into an agreement with Canada.

Nevertheless, I do have concerns about the amendments.

June 17th, 2013 / 12:55 p.m.
See context

Conservative

The Chair Conservative James Rajotte

It's dealing with exchange of information. It's article 25 in Bill S-17. It's in schedule 1.

June 17th, 2013 / 12:55 p.m.
See context

Conservative

The Chair Conservative James Rajotte

Merci, Monsieur Deneault.

Merci, Monsieur Côté.

I just wanted to follow up with Professor Cockfield. I realize that your invitation here was given on very short notice, but you talked about automatic information exchange, request on demand, and spontaneous exchanges. Have you had an opportunity to review article 25 in Bill S-17?

June 17th, 2013 / 12:15 p.m.
See context

NDP

Murray Rankin NDP Victoria, BC

Thank you.

Thank you to all of our witnesses for coming on such short notice. It's greatly appreciated.

I want to do a quick summary of what I thought I heard on a couple of key points. Then my questions will be for Ms. Alepin and Mr. Deneault.

I think I understood Mr. Deneault to say that Bill S-17 and the OECD model conventions were essentially inoperative.

Ms. Alepin, you said that you simply do not support Bill S-17, for the reasons you gave.

Mr. Rosenbloom said, talking about the information provisions, that he doesn't see them doing any harm. I would call that the “damning with faint praise” approach.

Essentially there's an opposition to this, as Mr. Cockfield's remark would seem to suggest, because in light of the “explosion”, to use his word, of automatic information exchange and things going on laterally, these seem to be very old-fashioned.

Ms. McLeod used the expression of it being a tool in the tool kit. It would appear to these witnesses to be a pretty dull tool, at best, in going after the problem of tax evasion.

My question is for Ms. Alepin and Monsieur Deneault, and it's about Hong Kong, just so that's clear.

You said, Ms. Alepin, that profits in Hong Kong could be 100% tax-free if subsidiaries set up in Hong Kong or elsewhere were involved. Monsieur Deneault said that non-resident trusts don't have to declare, don't have any information to exchange, because in Hong Kong that information doesn't have to be registered. So essentially, how could one ever obtain information and make this work on tax evasion issues with respect to Hong Kong?

Mr. Cockfield had similar things to say, noting that there's no requirement, that indeed there's no automatic exchange of information possible. I'm just not sure how it would ever work with Hong Kong.

I'd like Ms. Alepin and Monsieur Deneault to talk about how it might be possible to use this agreement, if at all, with respect to Hong Kong, for example, to curb tax evasion.

June 17th, 2013 / noon
See context

Caplin and Drysdale, New York University, School of Law, As an Individual

H. David Rosenbloom

Thank you.

My name is H. David Rosenbloom. I am a tax attorney and a professor of tax law. My area of specialization is international, or cross-border, taxation. I am a member of Caplin and Drysdale, a U.S. law firm. I am also director of the international tax program at New York University School of Law. In the late 1970s, I was the international tax counsel in the United States treasury department. In that capacity, I was the chief U.S. negotiator of the 1980 income tax convention between Canada and the United States.

I thank the committee for this opportunity to offer observations on Bill S-17, an act to implement conventions, protocols, and agreements between Canada and various countries. All of these agreements are for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to income taxes.

My comments are necessarily constrained by both my relative unfamiliarity with Canada's tax treaty policies and the extremely brief amount of time I have had to devote to a study of the bill. I am not a Canadian tax expert, and I was unaware of the bill prior to the afternoon of June 14. Furthermore, I have not been informed regarding the specific aspects of the bill on which I have been asked to comment.

My working assumption is that the committee may be most interested, not in the new conventions with Namibia and Serbia, parts 1 and 2 of Bill S-17, but rather in the convention with Poland and the agreement with Hong Kong, parts 3 and 4; with the protocol to the existing convention with Luxembourg, part 5; and the supplementary convention with Switzerland, part 6.

These last two parts deal with the subject of information exchange. Parts 3 and 4, on the other hand, are a convention and an agreement with jurisdictions, Poland and Hong Kong, that have been used by investors from other countries to invest outside those jurisdictions.

I thus confine these initial comments to the newly proposed exchange-of-information provisions with Luxembourg and Switzerland, and the agreements with the intermediary jurisdictions, Poland and Hong Kong.

I begin with information exchange. The protocol to the convention with Luxembourg appears consistent with the current practices of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and with the pending protocol to the income tax convention between the United States and Luxembourg.

There are some differences among these texts, but they are of a technical nature, and I assume of relatively little interest to the committee. I have some reservations about the efficacy of such provisions for achieving useful information exchange, but I cannot see them doing any harm.

The supplemental convention with Switzerland, on the other hand, relieves a requesting country from the need to provide a specific name to the requested country in order to obtain information about a person and in order to identify the person in possession of that information.

Since the requesting country is often in need of the name—that is the reason for the request in the first place—a requirement that the name be given in order to obtain the requested information might often render the information exchange provision nugatory. Thus, this supplementary convention responds to a real problem, and despite my abiding skepticism about information exchange via tax convention, I can see no substantial objection to it.

The agreement with Hong Kong and the new convention with Poland are a different and much larger and more complicated matter. A major concern with jurisdictions that lend themselves, and their treaty networks, to investors from elsewhere is the possibility that their conventions become in effect agreements with the entire world.

In the United States, we think that most tax conventions are bilateral in nature and that the benefits they confer should be confined to persons with a genuine connection with one of the treaty partners.

One means of implementing this policy is to simply not enter into conventions with jurisdictions that serve as intermediaries, especially if there is no demonstration of a genuine risk of double taxation. Regrettably, the United States has not always followed this route. We have, for example, conventions with Bermuda, Cyprus, and Barbados, to name but three examples of jurisdictions where the need for a U.S. tax convention would not appear compelling.

Apart from the strategy of not negotiating conventions with certain jurisdictions, the United States relies on certain measures both within the text of its conventions and drawn from its general jurisprudence to combat treaty shopping. A limitation on benefits article requiring a genuine nexus between the party claiming benefits and the treaty partner is now standard in all modern U.S. tax conventions. And the economic substance doctrine, recently enacted into statutory law but of lengthy vintage in our courts, has served as a potent weapon against at least some types of treaty shopping.

I note that paragraph 3 of article 26 of both the convention with Poland and the agreement with Hong Kong represent an abbreviated version of what has become, in the United States, the “limitation on benefits” article. The article 26 provision, which also appears in the conventions with Namibia and Serbia, effectively precludes foreign-owned entities from enjoying a more beneficial regime in the treaty partner than do domestically owned entities. This is where early versions of the U.S. limitation on benefits provision began, but the provision has since gone much further. Whether it has always been effective is an open question.

I conclude by citing a provision of this type that actually seems to work. It appears in the U.S. convention with Cyprus, and it contains two substantive rules of general relevance: first, that U.S. benefits are available only to Cypriot entities that are owned to a large extent, both legally and economically, by genuine individual residents of Cyprus or, in some limited circumstances, by citizens of the United States; and second, that such benefits are allowed when it is determined on a discretionary basis that the establishment, acquisition, and maintenance of the entity and the conduct of its operations did not have as a principal purpose obtaining benefits under the convention. The provision is general and, some might say, unacceptably vague. Yet for that very reason it seems to have succeeded in thwarting attempts by third-country investors to use the Cyprus convention to obtain inappropriate treaty benefits in the United States.

I would add two thoughts on the basis of what I have heard thus far in this hearing. I throw them out for further elaboration. One, I do suggest to the committee that you carefully distinguish between concern about corporate-level tax avoidance, the use of tax havens by multinational companies, and transfer pricing, things that concern the multinational company on the one hand, and things that concern individuals taxpayers on the other. For the most part there we're talking about offshore accounts, the use of offshore trusts, etc. I think we're talking about two related but distinct problems, and I think there ought to be different responses.

June 17th, 2013 / 11:55 a.m.
See context

Dennis Howlett Executive Director, Canadians for Tax Fairness

Thank you for the opportunity to share my views on Bill S-17.

The tax conventions and agreements included in Bill S-17 will be of very limited use in improving the recovery of taxes from those hiding their money in tax havens unless some key elements of the tax havens action plan proposed by British Prime Minister David Cameron at the G-8 summit are implemented. If Canada is serious about going after tax cheats who are using tax havens, then it should demonstrate this by fully supporting Prime Minister Cameron's action plan without trying to water down some of its key components.

In particular, the British proposals on beneficial ownership in multilateral automatic tax information exchanges are key to whether Bill S-17 will be a useful piece of legislation or a waste of time and effort.

Let me explain what I mean.

One of the problems with the tax conventions and agreements covered by Bill S-17 is that Canada needs to have quite a bit of information to begin with before it can request information under the current OECD bilateral agreement model that these agreements are based on, and we can clearly see this. If you look at the details in schedule 5 of Bill S-17, for example, you see all the steps that have to be taken in the case of Luxembourg to get the information Canada wants. It spells out quite clearly all the complicated steps involved.

It's similar to what the police have to go through to get a search warrant. As I'm sure Ms. Glover would be able to confirm from her experience, police have to have identified a suspect, and they need a fair bit of evidence in order to convince a judge to grant a search warrant.The challenge facing Canada Revenue Agency at the moment is that they have a very difficult time figuring out who their suspects might be and who they should be asking tax haven governments for more information on because of the banking secrecy that prevails in tax haven countries. How can Canada ask for information on a suspected tax evader if strict beneficial ownership rules are not applied? A tax evader can open trust accounts or set up shell companies in many tax havens without having to establish the ultimate beneficial owner. Without strong beneficial ownership rules in force, it's easy to hide your wealth offshore, and this facilitates not only tax evasion but also organized crime's money laundering, arms dealing, and financing of terrorism.

I am sure this government would not want to be accused of supporting such things.

The British G-8 tax haven action plan proposal on beneficial ownership calls for a public registry as well as much stronger rules to ensure the ultimate beneficial owner of any account. It's essential that beneficial ownership information be available in the public domain as opposed to being accessible only to police or tax authorities, because if it is available publicly it will be much easier for all countries to get access to this information. Multilateral automatic tax information exchange is the other key measure needed to make bilateral tax information exchange agreements useful. Proposals now under consideration at the G-8, G-20, and OECD would facilitate the exchange of basic information on account holders so that Canadian tax authorities would know when a taxpayer has not indicated on his or her tax return an offshore account in country X or Y, and then they would know who to go after, in terms of further investigation.

I know that the Canada Revenue Agency has come under a lot of criticism recently, including from our groups, but I actually have some sympathy for them given what they are up against. It's extremely difficult to undertake investigations on those who might be cheating on taxes using tax havens when they have very little to work with.

My final point is that there's a need to augment the capacity of the Canada Revenue Agency, especially given the recent leak of data that's now available to the Canadian government. The six or 10 additional people reported to have been assigned to a special unit will not be adequate to go through all the tax-leak data.

The CBC and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists need to be commended for doing a major public service by exposing those who are using tax havens. It's imperative that Canada has the capacity to effectively follow up on that information.

Thank you.

June 17th, 2013 / 11:45 a.m.
See context

Brigitte Alepin Chartered Accountant, Tax Expert, Tax Policy Specialist, Author, As an Individual

Good morning. Thank you for the invitation. It's a privilege to be here today to talk about the merits of Bill S-17.

I do not support Bill S-17 because it represents an additional step toward the implementation of a global tax system where wealthy corporations or individuals can legally benefit from tax havens and avoid paying their fair share of taxes.

With the support of tax-optimization strategies, the Canada-Hong Kong tax treaty, for example, which Bill S-17 refers to, enables the legalization of a partially or totally tax-free corridor between Canada and a number of Asian countries.

This tax privilege does not come under the specific sections of the treaty, but relates to the simple fact that the Canadian tax system doesn't tax income from subsidiaries of Canadian multinationals in countries with which Canada has signed a tax treaty or an agreement to exchange tax information.

Given that the corporate tax rate is 16.5% in Hong Kong and about 25% in Canada, the Canada-Hong Kong treaty does more than avoid double taxation. It provides a 40% savings to Canadian multinationals that will export revenue to Hong Kong.

In addition, tax plans are already being developed to legally increase this 40% tax savings to a total tax exemption.

In a recent special report presented by Tax Analysts, an international think tank intended mainly for tax practitioners, the renowned Montreal tax specialist, Nathan Boidman, explains that revenue made in Hong Kong could be 100% exempt from Canadian and foreign taxation when subsidiaries set up in Hong Kong collect interest income, earnings gained from licensing or when corporate structures set up in Asia include a number of jurisdictions and where the revenue only passes through Hong Kong.

Thousands of tax agreements similar to the Canada-Hong Kong treaty currently exist between countries, so much so that they are being manipulated strategically. It is now legal for the world's wealthy corporations to pay 2% tax, if not no tax.

To compensate for the erosion of the tax base caused by this tax exemption for revenue exported legally to tax havens or jurisdictions that are taxed less, other taxpayers, the workers, the SMEs, major corporations here, all these immobile taxpayers are the ones who have to pay. And if they try to partially or totally avoid paying Canadian tax by using tax havens, like the wealthy corporations or individuals do, it is considered illegal for them. Moreover, as indicated in the various provisions of Bill S-17 relating to the exchange of information, the Canadian government is serious about its mission to corner those offenders.

I do not support Bill S-17. However, I wonder if the effort made to implement these bills or even to contest them is the optimal way of stopping the implementation of this preferential tax treatment reserved for the wealthy. I might invest as much of our limited resources as possible in trying to replace international tax competition, which is the very essence of our current global problem, with some tax co-operation.

Thank you for your attention. I would be happy to answer any questions you may have.

June 17th, 2013 / 11:45 a.m.
See context

Conservative

The Chair Conservative James Rajotte

I call this meeting back to order. I want to thank our witnesses for appearing on very short notice. The committee appreciates that very much. With respect to our study of Bill S-17, we have five witnesses before us.

We have Brigitte Alepin. Welcome again.

We have Professor Arthur Cockfield from Queens University.

From the organization Canadians for Tax Fairness, we have Mr. Dennis Howlett. Welcome back.

By video conference from Washington, D.C., we have Mr. David Rosenbloom.

Mr. Rosenbloom can you hear me okay?