An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis

This bill was last introduced in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session, which ended in September 2019.

Sponsor

Ralph Goodale  Liberal

Status

This bill has received Royal Assent and is now law.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament often publishes better independent summaries.

This enactment amends the Criminal Records Act to, among other things, allow persons who have been convicted under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, the Narcotic Control Act and the National Defence Act only of simple possession of cannabis offences committed before October 17, 2018 to apply for a record suspension without being subject to the period required by the Criminal Records Act for other offences or to the fee that is otherwise payable in applying for a suspension.

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from the Library of Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Votes

June 3, 2019 Passed Concurrence at report stage of Bill C-93, An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis
June 3, 2019 Failed Bill C-93, An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis (report stage amendment)
June 3, 2019 Passed Bill C-93, An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis (report stage amendment)
May 6, 2019 Passed 2nd reading of Bill C-93, An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis
April 11, 2019 Passed Time allocation for Bill C-93, An Act to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions for simple possession of cannabis

May 1st, 2019 / 4:05 p.m.
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NDP

Matthew Dubé NDP Beloeil—Chambly, QC

I appreciate that. So some of the issues that people would have that would qualify for the process laid out in Bill C-93—and we've had confirmation from officials on this—would include things like those you've mentioned, some of these administrative offences, such as failure to appear in court, unpaid fines, which some would say could be fines of as low as $50. Even then “low” is a relative term, naturally.

In your experience, would it not be the same marginalized individuals who would be targeted by those criteria that we're seeking to remediate with this legislation?

May 1st, 2019 / 3:35 p.m.
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Annamaria Enenajor Founder and Director, Campaign for Cannabis Amnesty

Thank you.

Good evening, Mr. Chair, and members. My name is Annamaria Enenajor. I am a criminal defence lawyer and the founder and campaign director for the Campaign for Cannabis Amnesty.

The Campaign for Cannabis Amnesty is a not-for-profit advocacy group focused on righting the historical wrongs caused by decades of cannabis prohibition. It was founded in April 2018, not too long ago, in response to the absence of federal legislation addressing the stigma of previous convictions for offences that would not longer be illegal under the Cannabis Act. Since then, the campaign has been calling on the government to enact legislation to delete criminal records relating to the simple possession of cannabis. We believe that no Canadian should be burdened with a criminal record for minor, non-violent acts that are no longer a crime.

It is an honour to appear before you today, and I offer you some observations and modest recommendations with respect to Bill C-93. The campaign supports the implementation of measures to remove the stigma of past cannabis convictions that disproportionately impact marginalized Canadians. As it is currently drafted, however, Bill C-93 does not go far enough.

The story of enforcement of cannabis possession offences in Canada is one of historical injustice and inequality. Canadians of different backgrounds consume and possess cannabis at comparable rates. In fact, Canada has one of the highest rates of cannabis consumption in the world. In 2017, 46.6% of Canadians—almost half of Canadians—admitted to using cannabis at some point in their lives.

Despite this widespread consumption, a growing body of social science evidence has shown that not all Canadians face the same consequences for these actions. Racial profiling and suspicion of specific groups on the basis of stereotypes means that some Canadians are more likely to be closely scrutinized by law enforcement than others. Black Canadians, indigenous people of Canada and low-income Canadians are more likely to be stopped, searched, arrested, prosecuted and incarcerated for cannabis possession offences than white Canadians. This is not a tragic and accidental phenomenon. This is a historical injustice and a systemic charter violation that cries out for redress.

The equality provision of the charter was intended to ensure a measure of substantive, and not merely formal, equality. The Supreme Court of Canada has consistently held, beginning with the case of Eldridge, 1997, that a discriminatory purpose or intention is not a necessary condition to finding a violation of the equality provision of the charter. It is sufficient if the effect of the legislation, while neutral on its face, is to deny someone equal protection and benefit of the law. To the extent that the government seeks to draw distinction between laws that are discriminatory on their face and laws that are discriminatory in their effects, a distinction is illegitimate for the purpose of our constitutional protections.

While historical cannabis protection laws were not discriminatory on their face, they most certainly produced discriminatory effects in their enforcement. They perpetuated disadvantage on the basis of race, ethnic origin and colour, all of which are prohibited grounds under the charter.

The unequal and disproportionate enforcement of cannabis-related offences on this scale and of this magnitude encourages distrust and resentment of law enforcement, cynicism towards the administration of justice and an understandable sentiment that the promise of substantive equality under the charter is a myth for many Canadians. An appropriately powerful response to this shameful history is therefore also necessary to maintain the integrity of our justice system.

While the campaign applauds the government's willingness to recognize the disproportionate stigma and burden that results from the retention of conviction records for historical simple cannabis possession, we believe the bill does not go far enough.

Given the serious consequences of a cannabis possession conviction on the lives of Canadians and the legacy of inequality through disproportionate and discriminatory enforcement, the federal government must respond to this historical injustice with a measure sufficiently powerful to denounce a shameful history. People with simple cannabis possession records should be put in the same position as those millions of Canadians who did and who continue to do the exact same thing.

While it was criminal, they did not face any consequences because of factors that have no bearing on their moral culpability or criminality—factors such as their race, income, family connections and their neighbourhood of residence. As a result of that, they were never arrested and never convicted and were able to proceed through their lives with opportunities that were not available to other Canadians. As a result, Bill C-93 should be amended to provide for free, automatic, simple and permanent records deletions for simple cannabis possession offences.

If the government is not willing to go that far, then we suggest that there are other aspects of that kind of regime that the government could tap into that would still be satisfactory. For example, the government could incorporate aspects of an expungement scheme that could improve the bill's utility and allow for the implementation in a way that would benefit as many people as possible.

For example, on Monday when this committee met last, we heard that because of our decentralized and often archaic record-keeping practices, attempting to find and then destroy all relevant records would simply be too arduous. Just because we can't do this for all records doesn't mean we can't do it for some, and in fact, for the most important. As the honourable Ralph Goodale mentioned on Monday, while records relating to criminal offences do not exist in a single national database, records for convictions that have the greatest impact on jobs, volunteering and travel, in fact do.

The Canadian Police Information Centre, CPIC, is a national database maintained by the RCMP. If someone is arrested, charged and convicted of a crime, this record exists in the CPIC database. When an employer asks for a background check, for example, and requests it from the RCMP, the RCMP doesn't dispatch agents to rummage through courthouses to get all these disparate court records and information about an individual. They scan CPIC. When Canada discloses conviction information about its citizens to the United States, it also doesn't send photocopies of papers in boxes that are all across the country in disparate jurisdictions. It shares one database: CPIC.

Whereas we can't delete all records, what we can do is target one extraordinarily important database. Automatically removing all simple cannabis possession offences from CPIC would go a long way to alleviate the impact of a conviction from the lives of Canadians, even though this would not constitute a full expungement.

The automatic deletion of CPIC entries in relation to simple cannabis offences is also a cost-effective way to provide immediate relief to Canadians. An application process involving the collection of records from provincial, territorial and local police databases involves delays and hidden costs. Even if Bill C-93 eliminates the $631 application fee ordinarily required for record suspension applications, applicants may still need to pay for fingerprinting, court information and local police record checks, which can add up to hundreds of dollars.

There has been some discussion in this committee about whether record suspensions assist Canadians when crossing the border to the United States. I'd like to speak very briefly about that, and I could be asked more questions about that later. Record suspensions do not assist Canadians seeking to cross the border to the United States. The United States does not recognize any foreign pardon, irrespective of the effect of conviction. In fact, neither foreign pardons nor foreign expungement are effective in preventing inadmissibility to the United States. They are essentially equally useless.

I have provided to this committee fulsome submissions in writing that outline further recommendations, points and observations about this law. However, I wish to conclude with our primary recommendation, which is this: Bill C-93 should provide for the permanent and automatic deletion of all conviction entries for cannabis simple possession in the CPIC database.

Our subsidiary recommendations are outlined in our written briefs.

We hope that the recommendations that we proposed would increase the bill's utility, assist in achieving its stated goals and allow for implementation that would benefit as many people as possible.

Thank you for your time.

May 1st, 2019 / 3:30 p.m.
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Tom Stamatakis President, Canadian Police Association

Good afternoon, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. Thank you for inviting me to appear before you this afternoon as part of your committee's ongoing study of Bill C-93.

I'm appearing this afternoon on behalf of the Canadian Police Association, which, as many of you know, is the largest policing advocacy organization in the country, representing over 60,000 front-line civilian and sworn law enforcement professionals from coast to coast to coast. Our members are the proverbial “boots on the ground” when it comes to issues of public safety and are the first to feel the effects of decisions made by elected officials at all levels of government.

As is my usual habit, I want to keep my opening remarks relatively brief to allow for as much time as possible for your questions and comments, particularly given that the subject matter in Bill C-93 is relatively straightforward.

At the outset, let me say that the Canadian Police Association is generally supportive of the goal of Bill C-93. While obviously we have seen a significant change in the legal status of cannabis within the last year, there is no doubt that social attitudes towards marijuana have been changing for quite some time. We certainly see it with the policing level and with the general public as well. While we often hear the popular term “war on drugs” with respect to policing attitudes around these substances, which aren't just limited to cannabis, most police services in Canada, in my experience, if not all, have long since de-emphasized enforcement for simple possession.

Now that the legal framework has caught up to the social attitudes, there isn't any good reason, in my opinion, to deny people who have otherwise been law-abiding members of society being given a clean record and a chance to fully participate in areas that might otherwise have been denied to them on the basis of a past mistake. On that basis alone, our association is generally supportive of this legislation.

That said, we would like to take this opportunity to express some concern about the automatic nature of record suspensions being proposed by this bill. There's absolutely no doubt that the overwhelming majority of applications that will be made under these amendments will be from individuals who pose no ongoing risk to public safety, and they should certainly be dealt with as expeditiously as possible.

However, I would note that there will also be some applications made by offenders where simple possession may have been a charge that was arrived at based on a plea agreement with the Crown and down from a more serious charge. In those circumstances, it is possible that both the Crown and the court may have accepted the plea agreement based on the assumption that the conviction would be a permanent record of the offence and would not have accepted the lesser charge if they knew this would be cleared without any possibility of review at a future date.

While I understand that it would be both impossible and entirely unfair to hold unproven charges against someone, even in the case of a plea bargain, I do believe that this legislation could be quite easily amended to ensure that the proposed changes to the Criminal Records Act— specifically, the addition to section 4.1, which bars the Parole Board from conducting any evaluation of the applicant's history—don't allow habitual offenders to slip through the cracks.

An amendment that would allow the Parole Board to retain at least a slight amount of discretion to consider an applicant's conduct since conviction, or certainly any subsequent convictions, would alleviate any concerns police might have about ensuring community safety isn't compromised by the small number of repeat offenders who might take advantage of this legislation, and it will maintain the reputable administration of justice.

As I mentioned, I do want to keep these opening remarks brief. The legalization of cannabis has certainly been a significant change for front-line law enforcement, and I should note that it is a testament to the professionalism of our members that the transition to this new regime has been remarkably seamless over the eight months since the changes were enacted.

This legislation on the whole seems like a common-sense approach toward ensuring that criminal records reflect the new consensus around cannabis in Canada. We appreciate that the government has been very forthright in consulting with law enforcement experts as they've proceeded with this policy change, and we look forward to continuing that consultation.

We believe that Bill C-93, with a few small amendments to ensure that the Parole Board retains some amount of discretion to ensure long-term and habitual offenders are held accountable, will allow people to avoid the stigma of a criminal conviction and give those who deserve it a much-deserved second chance.

Thank you very much for inviting me appear before you today.

April 29th, 2019 / 5:30 p.m.
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Liberal

The Chair Liberal John McKay

The second, with respect to the subcommittee that met on April 10, is a presentation of the deliberations of the subcommittee.

We agreed to meet the NSICOP, the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, on Monday, May 13, for an hour to discuss their report in relation to Bill C-93, to provide no-cost, expedited record suspensions. We agreed to start that study, which we have obviously started today, and we agreed that the chair should respond to the April 9 letter from the chair of the Standing Committee on Finance, which we've just done.

Can I have a motion to accept the subcommittee's report?

April 29th, 2019 / 5:25 p.m.
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NDP

Matthew Dubé NDP Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Okay. Out of the remaining 240,000, I know it's probably difficult, because some folks might be deceased and other reasons, but do you know how many of those 240,000 are not eligible under Bill C-93 because of other related issues such as the ones we just discussed, because they have other convictions?

April 29th, 2019 / 5:25 p.m.
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NDP

Matthew Dubé NDP Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Okay, thank you.

It's the same thing with those who have administrative justice charges, so failure to appear in court, for example, would disqualify them from the process proposed in Bill C-93.

April 29th, 2019 / 5:25 p.m.
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Director General, Crime Prevention, Corrections and Criminal Justice Directorate, Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness

Angela Connidis

Bill C-93 is the result of many of those discussions, and ongoing discussions about how to make it easier for some of these marginalized communities to apply.

April 29th, 2019 / 5:20 p.m.
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Conservative

Jim Eglinski Conservative Yellowhead, AB

Prior to your bringing out Bill C-93, did you have discussions with any stakeholders? Can you tell us of any concerns that the different groups may have had, whether you were talking to the RCMP or municipalities that may have to provide these records or have people research these records? Can you give me any indication about whom you met with?

April 29th, 2019 / 5:10 p.m.
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Conservative

Glen Motz Conservative Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, AB

I understand what the act says, but your schedules aren't identical. I'm trying to point out that there needs to be some congruency between all the schedules from the CDSA, the NCA, the new act and the National Defence Act to make sure that all of those things are in alignment. I would urge you to have that consideration or that look because that substance is still there and it still remains illegal.

The last question I have has to do with what you mentioned, Ms. Lavigne and Mr. Broom. Does the Parole Board currently have sufficient resources to manage the increase?

We're talking potentially 10,000 over the coming years that's expected with Bill C-93? I know I asked the minister this before. If you don't need new resources, the administrative or clerical functions to do an administrative record suspension will impact the administrative clerical functions required to still do a record suspension for the Parole Board. How does that get navigated, and is $2.5 million really an appropriate cost? I ask because $250 doesn't seem like a whole lot when you look at the time it takes per application.

April 29th, 2019 / 5:10 p.m.
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Conservative

Glen Motz Conservative Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, AB

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I was going to continue on with that.

There is a fee to get fingerprints. There is a fee to get your record from a police service, and there is a fee, generally, to get your records from court, if it has them. In some communities, if it's in the distant past, they might not have the book anymore where they have them. It's a free system, maybe, for the Parole Board's costing, which is a taxpayer pickup, but it will cost an applicant some time, some effort and some resources on their own to do that, just so we're clear.

I want to get more to the schedule. Bill C-93 has schedules attached to it, and that's the technical side of it. It lists the offences for which an offender can apply and immediately receive a record suspension after the sentence is completed, without paying a fee, other than the ones we've just identified.

The schedule refers to three categories of substances for possession offences. One is under schedule II of the old CDSA, the old Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, as it was prior to October of this past year. The second was for the old NCA, the Narcotic Control Act, which was previous to the CDSA. The third was for equivalent offences outlined in the National Defence Act.

However, the lists of substances do not appear to be entirely identical. For example, would an application for record suspension related to an offence concerning possession of Pyrahexyl, or Parahexyl as it's also known, under the old Narcotic Control Act, be assessed without a waiting period or fee being required, since that substance is included in item 3 of the schedule of the Narcotic Control Act, and the applicant would, thus, benefit from the changes proposed in Bill C-93? If so, why would that be the case, being that Parahexyl is still considered an illegal substance in Canada? Your schedules allow that to happen. I'm curious to know why.

April 29th, 2019 / 5:05 p.m.
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Director, Clemency and Record Suspensions, Parole Board of Canada

Brigitte Lavigne

The Parole Board administers the proposed legislation, the legislation that will come into force. We'll be ready to have a straightforward approach. We'll have tools available to applicants. We have our 1-800 line and a dedicated email. We'll have web information and, as mentioned by my colleagues, an aggressive outreach strategy targeting traditional and non-traditional partners in order to make it as simple as possible for applicants to be able to benefit from the no-cost expedited process that's been proposed here in Bill C-93.

April 29th, 2019 / 5 p.m.
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Director General, Crime Prevention, Corrections and Criminal Justice Directorate, Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness

Angela Connidis

Only if they could not demonstrate that it was possession of cannabis and that they had completed their sentence.... If they couldn't demonstrate those two things they wouldn't fit within the parameters of Bill C-93.

April 29th, 2019 / 4:45 p.m.
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Director General, Crime Prevention, Corrections and Criminal Justice Directorate, Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness

Angela Connidis

In Bill C-93, as soon as you've completed your sentence, including a fine, you have no wait period. Therefore, if you have an outstanding fine right now, as soon as you pay it, you can apply. It won't restart your waiting period.

April 29th, 2019 / 4:45 p.m.
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Liberal

Julie Dabrusin Liberal Toronto—Danforth, ON

In our earlier study, a woman named Louise Lafond testified that one of the most common barriers she'd encountered with her clients was that they had outstanding fines. That was one of the things that stopped them from being able to apply for a record suspension.

When I was looking at the legislation, it looked to me like the delay that might be posed by outstanding fines has been removed in Bill C-93. Is that correct? I'm looking at proposed subsection 4(3.1).

April 29th, 2019 / 4:40 p.m.
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Acting Director General, Policy and Operations, Parole Board of Canada

Ian Broom

As part of the Parole Board's communication and outreach strategy associated with the expedited pardon approach proposed under Bill C-93, yes, there would be Internet resources available. However, as you point out, it might be somewhat difficult to get those in some cases. They would include a step-by-step guide—a simplified application guide—in terms of the outreach to get the word out.

Yes, there is a focus on our traditional criminal justice partners, so we will be reaching out to law enforcement, the courts, etc., but in addition, focusing and working with our other federal partners to establish a really good sense of how to get the word out to maybe not the most traditional partners in the domain. We want to focus on and target the more marginalized groups that were alluded to earlier today.

We're slowly building and putting together a database and a good sense of where to direct our correspondence. At the point at which this would come into force, we want to target the regular criminal justice partners and organizations that might facilitate, inform or assist individuals in seeking pardons for simple possession of cannabis.