Thank you for inviting me again to speak to the committee.
Before I start, I want to make clear that the diasporic communities are not a monolithic group. With heightened geopolitical tensions, we need to prioritize the protection of the diaspora and dissident communities from CCP surveillance and intimidation and to be critical while not fanning xenophobia.
I was asked to speak about harassment and intimidation today, but what I'm about to tell you may not be what you're expecting.
Dissidents are not safe—not in their own homes, not in civil societies, not at work, and not in Canada. This is because threats, censorship and intimidation will continue as long as companies, non-profits, academia, politicians, media and other institutions with vested interests are fearful of angering Beijing and are doing its bidding.
Beijing is effectively exporting its authoritarianism overseas. From previous meetings, witnesses from Canada's intelligence and enforcement agencies have assured the committee of their collective effort in combatting foreign interference. With my lived experiences, I can tell you that the existing institutions and legislation are not working. Beijing's foreign influence cannot be addressed with blanket policies, as the CCP operates across sectors and often within legal grey areas, making bans or criminalization largely ineffective.
Last time I spoke about Beijing's global expansionist authoritarianism, their blatant disregard for international rules-based order, their influence and interference operations in Canada, and I included my own experience of surveillance and intimidation. Beijing's capabilities, capacities and ambitions already pose a dangerous threat, but few countries fully see their global strategy of influence. The CCP has been testing the tolerance of liberal democracies with their authoritarian over-reach as international norms are being rewritten.
The current approach to China lacks the comprehensive view from the diasporic communities that speak the language and understand its history, culture and intentions. Activists have witnessed these influence efforts since the 1990s. It's not new, but only newly realized.
In ACHK's most recent report and recommendations, we covered service-level examinations of seven aspects of the CCP's foreign interference in Canada: political influence; elite capture; surveillance and intimidation; information and narrative discursion warfare; academic influence and vulnerability of intellectual property; national security; and the United Front Work Department. We found similar tactics, strategies and operations throughout the various sectors.
We need a whole-of-government approach to how Canada engages with foreign authoritarian powers such as China. We need to invest in the proper tools, infrastructures and resources to protect Canadians and our national interests. Canada has an important role to play on the international stage, as multilateral actions are an effective way to confront Beijing collaboratively, but it is imperative to expand Canada's foreign and domestic policy toolbox to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
Our recommendations are as follows.
Create legislation for foreign influence transparency schemes, a public registry of individuals, of organizations and representatives who are acting on behalf of foreign states in Canada. The transparency scheme should be paired with a public commission with investigative and enforcement powers, serving as a centralized point to coordinate the different levels of government and Canadian institutions, public agencies and the general public.
Support Canadian research and intellectual property with a cohesive federal policy to regulate research collaborations with foreign actors, while increasing funding for Canadian innovation.
Invest in resources and infrastructures for ethnic communities in Canada.
Protect Canadians by placing restrictions on foreign actors from the collection, purchase or export of Canadian personal information and data.
Harassment and intimidation of Canadians need to be understood from the perspective of dissidents. We need an approach to foreign interference that centres the community's needs while addressing the issue holistically and strategically.
Thank you again for having me. I am happy to answer your questions.