Mr. Chair, I'd be happy to take that question.
I think the member's right in citing the fact that analysts and governments around the world look at the situation across the Taiwan Strait and recognize a basic, obvious fact that I think we very much are taking to heart in our own policy planning; that is, a situation that for decades had a relatively stable, external environment—there were ups and downs and tensions, but basically the premise was quite stable—is changing. It's dynamic, and there is a lot of concern.
After that, things get more muddy, of course, because we're talking about the future. Of course there is concern that the Chinese leadership has put a bit of a clock on the situation in Taiwan, and some analysts focus very much on a time frame.
I would like to make a couple of points. I think it's hasty for us to assume that an invasion of Taiwan is inevitable. We all know that the official policy of the Communist Party, and all of their planning, is to reunify Taiwan; but their preference, obviously, would be to take any action that could do so short of a kinetic activity or warfare, not least for the impact that warfare would have on their own economy and their own people.
There is no inevitable invasion, but there is now growing tension. To the second part of your question, that is where, Mr. Chair, Canada is very actively working with like-minded countries to understand how we respond effectively to a dynamic situation, but with a common goal. The minister has made very clear in her public statements—and we have diplomatically—and to her ministerial counterpart, Mr. Wang Yi, that Canada is in very good company in opposing any action that would unilaterally destabilize the Taiwan Strait, the situation across the strait.
But that can't happen in isolation. We can't have impact on that on our own. That's why there are ongoing discussions, and that's why you see the G7 in the last few months has increasingly spoken up, with a shared voice, to make the same points.
Thank you.