Thank you, Mr. Chair.
My name is Peter Murdoch. I'm CEP's vice-president of media, and with me is Monica Auer, our legal counsel in this area.
CEP is Canada's largest media union. Thousands of CEP members work in broadcasting and telecommunications, and many hundreds of them cover and broadcast the news across Canada and are keenly interested in your work.
Our starting point is the fact that vertical integration is not new. As table 1 shows, the CRTC has allowed BDUs to control radio and TV stations for 30 years or more. Vertical integration matters, because it will affect news diversity and because Canadians and democracy rely on trustworthy and competitive news sources. The CRTC said that the benefits from these ownership structures were “significant and unequivocal”.
Have Canadians and news benefited from vertical integration? So far, programming employment, spending on local programs, and local broadcast hours have all dropped as ownership has concentrated. I refer you to the graphs in our submission. I think you'll find them interesting.
Could vertical integration strengthen our system? After all, BDUs now take in most of the revenues in broadcasting, while the TV programmers they own pay for most Canadian content. But since BDUs are accustomed to exceptional profits, they will fight any suggestion that they do more for Canadian programming. You have already heard Bell tell CTV that it must stand on its own two feet. The idea that more concentrated ownership would direct more resources to Canadian programming has been lost.
While vertical integration could benefit Canada, the CRTC has told you that its default position is to not regulate. It says that Canadians must prove the need for regulation. But since Parliament created the CRTC to regulate on Canadians' behalf, why should they now have to persuade the CRTC to serve their interests?
We have learned that the CRTC has spent $2.7 million on consultants and research since January 2007. Yet, as our table shows, it has not undertaken or commissioned any research on the impact of concentrated ownership, or on cross-media ownership, or on BDU ownership of programming services. It has not researched integration's impact on programming investment, and does not know how many broadcast news bureaus exist, or how many reporters work in broadcasting. It has not measured diversity in news or the impact of diversity of voices policy. So how can the CRTC or Canadians understand the impact of vertical integration? The CRTC won't even release the raw data needed to prove why or when regulation works. This is partly because it cannot. The CRTC recently destroyed most of its own data, from 1968 to 1990. Since 2007, it has opposed requests to access the data it still has.
As for other issues, such as foreign ownership, the CRTC does not track the percentage of voting shares or level of debt held by non-Canadians in Canadian broadcasting. Without research on the impact of increased foreign investment in broadcasting or telecommunications, what convinced the CRTC to recommend increased foreign ownership last spring? After telling Canadians to prove why regulation is needed, it turns out that the CRTC has never assessed the impact of its deregulation, or its own decision to stop regulating ads in over-the-air TV.
Why isn't the CRTC studying these questions? Perhaps it's because the current Broadcasting Act completely insulates the CRTC's policies and regulations from legal review. So instead of a professional, 21st century approach to communications policy, Canadians are getting regulation by guesswork. We know this is not what the government or you want. Its 2007 rules for regulating, that are attached here, emphasize requirements for empirical evidence when its agencies deregulate. We need evidence on deregulation, not only regulation.
This is why we strongly support your current study. It should direct the CRTC to adopt this evidence-based approach.Therefore, instead of asking that integration be dismantled or stopped, we recommend that Canada obtain research explaining the dynamics of ownership, and media content. We propose a creation of a national, independent policy research institute to undertake impartial, quantitative research on electronic media regulation and policy.
Our proposal would not cost taxpayers money. One-tenth of 1% of the billions coming from next year's spectrum auctions could fund this institute. Alternatively, ownership transactions could fund the research. You could recommend that the CRTC direct 1% of the benefits from the Bell-CTV deal to this institute.
This research should begin now. CEP would be very pleased to submit a formal proposal that would give communications regulations a solid, evidence-based foundation. Your committee could then turn to the study in two years to review Canada's communications laws and their possible merger. Mr. Del Mastro has raised this several times, and we support it.
To conclude, vertical integration has so far given Canadians a very poor return on their asset of broadcast spectrum. In our view, the regulatory balance has demonstrably tipped away from Canada's interests--without Parliament's informed consent and without your input.
The CRTC's role in assessing vertical integration must be to determine the facts, to weigh competing interests, but above all to put Canadians first. Restoring balance through effective, efficient, and evidence-based regulation will benefit Canadians, our national interest, and entrepreneurs.
I welcome your questions. Thank you.