They are. There's legislation in the U.S., the self-preferencing bill, for example, the ban on self-preferencing that made it through the Senate on the judiciary committee—I think it was 16 to six. By the way, the JCPA made it through the Senate judiciary committee. It was very popular. I think it was 15 to seven. It had Republican support as well.
I think Congress recognizes that there are some aspects of the platform's conduct that escape antitrust scrutiny. In particular, when you think about what the self-preferencing is doing, it's conduct that's occurring within the firm's boundaries. It doesn't cross a boundary. There's no contract to say that a supplier or a customer that's exclusionary.... The other thing, too, is that it doesn't generate an immediate short-run price effect. When Amazon steers a search to its own wares in the Amazon store, it will typically replace an independent with something cheaper, so there's no price effect to be found, either. These would be horrible fact patterns to go into an antitrust courtroom with, where judges are following case law that's looking for conduct that crosses a firm boundary and conduct that generates an immediate short-run price effect.
I would submit that in this newspaper matter as well, it would also make for a horrible fact pattern. No judge is going to recognize scraping, indexing, curation and appropriation, which is basically just flexing your monopsony muscle as a cognizable antitrust offence. It's certainly not a violation of section 2 of the Sherman act.
I think what Congress recognizes is that they're acts of aggression, anti-competitive acts by the platforms that escape antitrust scrutiny. Rather than try to force everything through an antitrust funnel, we're going to write new laws that get at these anti-competitive acts outside of antitrust, that is, to use tools that operate outside of antitrust, as we're doing for the JCPA.