The U.S. report was never released—and you will recall that I did ask for the U.S. report, as well as the Afghan report—nor was anything said about why it was not released.
I find it curious that the exemptions were applied so heavily throughout the Afghan document. There's nothing secret here. The sections that have been cut in the first paragraph and which The Globe and Mail subsequently published refer to torture being “all too common in Afghanistan”, according to DFAIT. The U.S. Department of State has said there are “credible reports of torture”. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, who is none other than Louise Arbour, a former Justice of the Supreme Court in this country, has said torture is “routine”. The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission has said torture is “common”. This is very similar to saying that torture is “all too common”, as the Department of Foreign Affairs has written in the 2006 human rights report. Nothing appears to be secret enough about that revelation to justify using subsection 15(1) of the Access to Information Act to withhold it, except, of course, if that section were being abused, which I believe is the case.
There does seem to be a systematic problem within the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade about denying torture, about not confronting it openly. Again I refer to the Arar commission report. A DFAIT employee, Mr. Ambassador Pillarella, at the time Mr. Arar was being tortured, wrote in an e-mail that “a meeting with Arar should help us to rebut the recent charges of torture.”
Ladies and gentlemen, there is a blind spot in the Department of Foreign Affairs about torture, which means they don't want to know. I suspect that cultural reality of the department has something to do with why any reference to torture or other abuses was cut out of this document even though it really isn't a secret that torture goes on in Afghanistan, by those corroborating references I've given you.
It's further curious to me that the title of this document contains the words “Democratic Development”, among other things. That is, of course, a reason for Canada's presence in Afghanistan: to contribute to democratic development. It does seem to me that the information about democratic development that the Government of Canada possesses ought to be laid on the table for all to see.
I have no objection to this committee looking into this matter. In fact, I ask you to please do it. I say that as the person who has complained to the Information Commissioner. I've heard it said by members of the committee that the committee shouldn't act while the commissioner's investigation is under way. I disagree. As the person who brought the matter to the commissioner, I would be very pleased if this committee were to take its business up concomitantly and not wait for the commissioner to conclude.
I also would like to raise the point that there seems to be here, in this set of events as I've just described them, a pattern of concealing the 2006 and earlier Afghan human rights reports, and possibly concealing the U.S. human rights reports. If so, that is a criminal matter under section 67.1 of the Access to Information Act. To conceal a record is a criminal offence. I'm not making an allegation against anyone personally. I do not know who might have been involved in such concealment, although I do believe the circumstances show that it has possibly happened and there is need for a criminal investigation.
I would recommend, as a further step, that the RCMP and the Director of Public Prosecutions be involved at this stage to investigate whether any persons, be they civil servants or political figures, were involved in concealing information arising out of my request. I won't say to include Mr. Esau's request, because that's up to him, but I think the three or four requests together—I've lost count—do show a constellation of facts that indicate concealment went on.
I'll end my comments there, Mr. Chairman, with thanks for giving me the extra few minutes.